The Meiteis Habitat, Appearance
This article is an extract from THE MEITHEIS T. C. HODSON Late Assistant Political Agent In Manipur And Superintendent Of The State Fellow Of The Royal Anthropological Institute With An Introduction By SIR CHARLES J. LYALL K.C.S.I., C.I.E., LL.D., M.A. Published under the orders of the Government of Gastern Bengal and Assam Illustrated LONDON David Nutt 57, 59, Long Acre 1908 Indpaedia is an archive. It neither agrees nor disagrees |
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The Meiteis Habitat, Appearance
The Native State of Manipur lies between Latitude 23° 50' and 25° 30' North and Longitude 93° 10' and 94° 30’ East, and consists of about 7000 square miles of hill territory, and of 1000 square miles of level country forming the broad valley, to which the Manipuris have given the name Meithei Leipak, or the broad land of the Meitheis. On the west its frontiers march with those of the British District of Cachar up to a point in the hills near which is the Naga village Maolong, from which the boundary line follows the river Barak and then traverses the hills to Mao, where a natural frontier line begins again. There is a small piece undemarcated at the corner on which is situated the village of Jessami. The frontier touches Upper Burma and passes along the western edge of the Kubo Valley, for so long the subject of contention between Manipur and Burma.
On the south the confines of the State touch the Chin Hills on the east and the Lushai Hills on the west. The Burmese call it Kathe, the Assamese Mekle, while, according to Colonel McCulloch, the Bengali name for the State is Moglai.*
Within the area of the State there is an immense variety of climate and scenery, which is only equalled by the variety of the types of mankind whose habits form the subject of these monographs. Tea is indigenous in the hills, and before unwise greed ruined it, the trade in tea seed was profitable alike to the State and to the traders. Eubber, too, grows in natural pro- fusion in the hills. The teak timber in the State represents a
♦Cf, Pemberton, Report on Eastern Frontier, pp. 19, 20 ; McCulloch, Account of Munnipore.
natural wealth whose limitations are as yet unascertained. I the Natch Ghar are beams of teak of enormous length and girt from trees in the forests of the State. For the lover of spor the valley is a veritable Paradise. In the cold weather the numerous lakes and jheels are covered with wild duck, tell geese, snipe, and in the hills woodcock and rare pheasants i to be found. The eastern edges of the Logtak lake afford home to the brow-antlered deer, while the fastnesses and thick of the lofty mountain peaks shelter the timid serao. Of might game there is the tiger, a rare visitor to the byres of the plain men ; now and then a leopard ravages the cattle, and up to the British occupation elephants were caught in the valley. Man are the tales that are told of the strange deaths of unhappy persons who have seen a lairel or python, while in the swamp of the Logtak is found the King cobra Ophiophagus oelaps of tanglei in the vernacular). The Russell's viper is found in valley, but deadly though it is, the villagers often fear it but little, and I have seen a man break one in two with a dexterous| twist.
The census returns of 1901 show a population of 284,465 in the State, of whom 180,960 are inhabitants of the valley and 103,505 hill tribesmen. It is impossible to make any deductions as to the increase or decrease of the population, for there are grounds for holding that the census of 1881 did not cover the same area, and was not conducted on the same careful lines as that of 1901. The census papers of 1891 were destroyed in the emeute of that year.
Appearance
Dr. Brown says that, " Although the general facial character istics of the Munniporie are of the Mongolian type, there is a great diversity of feature among them, some of them showing a regularity approaching the Aryan type. Among both men and women the stature is very various, differing about as mud as is found among Europeans. Some of them are very good looking and fair. It is not uncommon to meet with girls with brownish-black hair, brown eyes, fair complexions, straight noses, and rosy cheeks. The Munnipories are decidedly muscular race, some of the men particularly so; they are generally spare in habit of body, and fat people are rare. They have good chests and well-formed limbs.
The men wear their hair, which is coarse and black, long, and combed back from the forehead, which is occasionally shaved ; the hair is gathered into a coil behind. Moustaches are uncommon, so much so that a man with a moustache invariably is nicknamed khoi-haoba, although a man with a thick straight moustache will be seen. They have no beards, or very rudimentary ones. Boys' heads are generally shaved, leaving only a straggling quantity of hair at the back. The hair of the females is worn in three different ways, according to age. When quite young, up to the age of about ten, the front part of the head is shaved, the back part, from about the level of the ears round the head, being allowed to grow loose behind.
The next fashion is that for unmarried girls, and is very peculiar : the hair behind, from about the middle of each ear round, is allowed to grow long, is combed back and tied in a knot or left loose. In front of this the hair is combed forwards, and cut equally so as to reach over the forehead an inch or so above the eyebrow. In front of and over each ear is a lock of hair about two inches broad, and reaching down to the angle of the jaw. In married women the hair is allowed to grow long, and is combed back from the forehead, Bengallee fashion, and tied in a knot behind, leaving a few inches dependent from the knot. All who can afford the luxury wear a chignon, which, as with the Bengallees, is incorporated with the knot of back hair." * The men are not heavy, though averaging about five feet seven. The women are four inches shorter than the men. Colonel L. A. Waddell, LL.D., C.B., C.I.E., has kindly permitted the publication of the anthropo- metrical data in the accompanying table.
The Lois very closely resemble the Meitheis, and are to all intents and purposes indistinguishable from their over-lords. Indeed, it is remarkable to observe how much the individuality of such people as the Meitheis,' the Lois, the hill people, and even the Gurkhas, depends on differences of clothing and coiffure. In the case of the Lois, who are either earlier settlers or the direct descendants of Meitheis banished to Loi villages as a punishment, this phenomenon is intelligible, for the infusion of true Meithei blood into Loi families by mixed marriages is undeniable.
The Panggan or Muhammedan settlers are distinct from the Meithei, as is reasonable to expect, although it has been noted that many of the Muhammedan inhabitants of Sylhet and Cachar resemble the hill type.* The Panggans are believed to have originated from Cachar as prisoners of war taken by Meitheis.
Geographical Distribution
Historical circumstances account for the rather wide geo- graphical distribution of the Meitheis. There are colonies in Burma which owe their origin to the disastrous raids which, made by way of reprisal for the invasions of Burma by the forces of Manipur in the beginning of the eighteenth century, culminated in the great depopulation of the country in 1819, when the Burmese soldiery took with them into captivity enormous numbers of Manipuris of all ages and of both sexes. Political events have conduced to the growth of settlements of Manipuris in Cachar, Sylhet and Dacca, while in Bengal and in the United Provinces there are small colonies of Manipuris who have left their country for their country's good.
These settlements, whether at Nadia, where the sentiment of religious attachment to the Guru of the Royal Family binds them together, or in Cachar where they originally settled to form a bulwark against the forays of Kukis, keep aloof from the people around them, whom they regard, sometimes without injustice, as their inferiors in culture and civilization.
Origin
The Chronicles of the State of Manipur open with an "authoritative" account of the origin of the Royal Family to which interest of an uncommon kind attaches because these documents are now for the first time available for the student.
" By the end of the Dapar Jug and beginning of the Kali Jug (year 3435), Enoog Howba Chonoo, the wife of Babroo- bahan gave birth to a son called Pakhangba. He used to assume the form of Gods by the day, and by the night he used to be a man."
Around the personage of Pakhangba legends have grown up which declare him to have had the power of changing his shape into that of a snake, and his death, which alone proved his humanity, was due to the accidental infliction of a wound by his son, who saw his father in the house at night and killed him all unwittingly with a spear. To this accidental parricide the Manipuris attribute the frequency of parricide at the early part of the eighteenth century. But there are current other versions of the origin of the Ningthaja or Royal clan, and from one of these I take the following genealogy.
"The Brahma dev (The creating God of the Universe) had sprung out from the Navel lotus of Narayan (the Protecting God of the Universe), Marichi Muni (a Hindu sage) was born from the limbs of Brahmadev. Marichi's son, Kosshop Muni (a Hindu Saint) ; Kosshop Muni's son, Surja (Sun) ; Surja's son, Shaborna Muni; Shaborna's son, Indoo Muni; Indoo Muni's son, Chitra Ketoo; Chitra Ketoo's son, Chitradhaja; Chitradhaja's son, Chitrabija; Chitrabija's son, Chitra Sarba; Chitra Sarba's son, Chitra Eat ; Chitra Eat's son, Chitra Vanoo. Chitra Vanoo had no son, only a daughter named Chitranggada ; Chitranggada's son, Babrubahan; Babrubahan's son, Sooprabahoo; Sooprabahoo's son, Pakhangba (Jobista). The Jobista or Pakhangba was the first ruling King of Manipur."
Such tales are obviously tainted by the influence of Hinduism, and the appearance of non-Hindu names seems to mark the beginning of native legend. Among the Manipuris, at the time when Colonel McCulloch wrote his remarkable account of the valley, there were extant legends which induced him to believe that "From the most credible traditions, the valley appears originally to have been occupied by several tribes, the principal of which were named Koomul, Looang, Moirang, and Meithei, all of whom came from different directions. For a time the Koomul appears to have been the most powerful, and after its declension, the Moirang tribe. But by degrees the Meithei subdued the whole, and the name Meithei has become applicable to all. Since their conversion to Hindooism, the Meitheis have claimed for themselves a Hindoo descent. This claim, in his report of the Eastern Frontier, Captain Pemberton rejects, and says, ' we may safely conclude them to be descendants from a Tartar Colony from China.' For this conclusion I can see no reason, and think there is far more ground to conclude them to be descendants of the surrounding hill tribes.
The languages spoken by these tribes are in their pristine state : I conceive then, that in their spoken language, an indication of the descent of the Munniporees might be found. Tradition brings the Moirang tribe from the South, the direction of the Kookies, the Koomul from the East, the direction of the Murrings, and the Meithei and Looang from the North-west, the direction of the Koupooees.
The languages of the Murrings, Kookies, and Koupooees, are all very similar, and as the Koomul, etc., the offshoots of these tribes were, as before said, at different periods the dominant tribes in the valley, it might be expected that the present language of the people, united under the name of Meithei, would have a very apparent likeness to these languages, and such is the case. AH these tribes have also traditions amongst themselves that the Munniporees are offshoots from them. These traditions then, and the composite nature of the language, appear to me to afford more reason for supposing the Munniporees to be descended from the surrounding hill tribes than from a Tartar Colony from China. Besides the stories of their ancestors, which at times the Munniporees relate amongst themselves, show, that up to a very recent period, they retained all the customs of hill people of the present day.
Their super- stition, too, has preserved relics, which alone would have led to the suspicion of an originally close connection between them and Nagas. The ceremony denominated Phumbankaba, or * ascend- ing the throne,' is performed in Naga dress, both by the Rajah and Ranee, and the Yim Chau, or * great house,' the original residence of the Meithei Chief, is, though he does not now reside in it, still kept up, and is made in the Naga fashion." *
This careful opinion drew the consent of Dr. Brown, who adorned it with some interesting speculations. " Should it be a correct view that the valley of Munnipore was at no very distant period almost covered entirely by water, the origin of the Munni- pories from the surrounding hill tribes is the proper and only conclusion to be arrived at.
I think it probable that when only a small part of the valley skirting the hills was capable of cultivation, the hillmen bordering it used to descend and cultivate the little land there then was, returning to their homes in the hills after reaping their harvests : as, however, land increased, some few of them settled permanently in the plain, gradually increasing in numbers. The various tribes thus settling in different parts of the valley would in time come into contact, and after a struggle for supremacy, amalgamate. That this is what actually did take place is borne out by the traditions of Munnipore. The above account is by no means accepted as correct by the upper classes of Munnipories, who deny their origin from the hill tribes surrounding the valley, although, when asked to account for themselves otherwise, they have no plausible story to offer.
They can merely say that they always belonged to the valley and have always been a separate race. The theory that the valley was once covered with water, although supported by their own traditions, they utterly ignore. A small section of them, however, go a step further than this, and, as alluded to by McCulloch, actually claim for themselves a Western and Hindoo descent. This idea is quite untenable, and rests upon a very slender foundation, or rather on none whatever. The name ' Munnipore ' is thus accounted for by the Munni- pories, who quote the Mahabarat in confirmation of its accuracy. They say the name is from Muni, a jewel ; this jewel was formerly in the possession of the Rajas of the country ages ago.
The country was at one time named Mahindrapore, but on a Raja, by name Bubra Baha, coming into possession of the jewel (which formerly belonged to a Nag Eaja or Serpent King) and the guddee, he changed the name to Munnipore. According to the Mahabarat, however, the name Munnipore was in existence before the birth of Bubra Baha, and Mahindrapore or Mahindra- pahar, was the name of a high hill,* situated but a short
Vernacular: Nongmai-Ching (iiong = sun or day ; mat = (?) facing ; distance to the east of the capital. With regard to the Naga dress, said in the foregoing quotation from McCulloch to be worn by the Baja on ascending the throne, it is stoutly denied, by a section, at least, of the Munnipories, that it has anything to do with the Nagas, but is an ancient Munniporie costume. Besides being worn as above by the Eaja on ascending the throne, during the various games hereafter to be described, as the boat races, this dress is worn by the chief competitors as well as by the Raja, who attends the races, steering his own boat in this dress. If really originally a Naga costume, it has little or no aflBnity now with what is worn by them." *
Major-General Sir James Johnstone, K.C.S.I., lends the weight of his long and interesting experience in Manipur to the belief that " There can be little doubt that some time or other the Naga tribes to the north made one of their chiefs Rajah of Manipur, and that his family, while, like the Manchus in China and other conquerors, adopting the civilization of the country, retained some of their old customs. This is shown in the curious practice at the installation of a Bajah, when he and the Ranee appear in Naga costume ; also that he always has in his palace a house built like a Naga's, and wherever he goes he is attended by two or three Manipuris with Naga arms and accoutrements. I once told a Manipuri what I thought on the subject, and he was greatly struck by it and admitted the force of what I said."
Photographs of the Kangla or Coronation Hall show that the front beams of the roof have crossed and carved ends which are distinctly reminiscent of the decorations of the houses of the Khullakpas of Naga villages.
It may be observed that the sang-kai punsiba or hut in the Naga style, to which Major- General Johnstone makes reference, means the long-lived hut and granary (sang = hut, kai = granary, punsiba = late dying =long lived).
The Lois, a title applied to the inhabitants of a number of Ching = hill), probably the hill that faces the sun. The great annual rainpuja takes place on this hill, which is intimately connected with other magical rites. — T. C. H.
villages which are some distance from Imphal, and which are and have for long been in subjection to the Meitheis, are of various origin. Sengmai, a village on the Manipur-Kohima cart road about nine miles from Imphal, is said to have moved there from the south. Fayeng Loi, however, preserves a tradi- tion that they once occupied the site of the Konung or Fort from which they were driven out by Pakhungba, which means the rise of the Meithei power. Andro Loi, a village in the vicinity of Fayeng, claims the same origin.
The villagers of Chairel, situated on the Imphal river not far from Shuganu, declare that they once occupied the slopes of Nongmaiching. The Lois in the south-east of the valley at Kokching, who live by iron-smelting, were once under the rule of the Heirok King, whose dominions stretched from Kokching to the Imphal river. McCulloch * states, that the appointment of an official with the style and title of Budhiraj to govern Kokching dates from the reign of Gharib Nawaz. The village of Susakameng is said to be inhabited by the descendants of Chinese who came to Manipur in the reign of Khagenba. The villages on the Logtak, Thanga and Iting, are known to have had their origin, as had Shuganu, on the banks of the Imphal river, as penal settlements to which all classes of offenders were sent. From the Chronicles it would appear that the Loi villages possess considerable antiquity, for it is stated that they were founded by Airaba, whose reign is dated about 1000 a.d., that is, in the period before history of any real authenticity begins.
Khagenba seems to have been the first monarch to make use of the Loi villages as places of detention for prisoners, for he is said to have sent captives, taken on a raid against Nagas probably in the neighbourhood of Maram in the north, to Shuganu in the year 1645 A.D. Ten years later his successor, Khul Chaoba, transported a number of Manipuris, who, under the leadership of the Angom Ningthou, had raised the standard of rebellion against him, to Eharai Loi. In the same year this king seems to have had trouble with other Loi villages, for he is recorded as having sent expeditions against Andro, Kameng Chikhong (salt well), and Yaripok, all of which are capable of identification as extant in modern days. The religious changes introduced by Gharib .Nawaz were the occasion of wholesale deportations to Loi villages, and from that time onward the Chronicles constantly make mention of deportation to a Loi village as a punishment. In spite of, or perhaps because of, this not very auspicious origin the Loi villages are among the most prosperous villages in the State, for the reason that, untram- melled by caste prejudices, they are able and allowed to practise industries which are denied to the Meitheis, whom, however, to the neglect of their temporal advantages, they are anxious to follow into the respectability of Hinduism. On the occasion of the recent census many of them seized the opportunity to declare themselves Hindus, a proceeding which greatly shocked the Meitheis.
Affinities
The group name " Meithei " has been derived from mi = man and thei = separate, while in a footnote to a contribution of immense value to the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1853, Brian Houghton Hodgson expressed the view that "in the * Moitay* of Manipur we have the combined appellations of the Siamese Tai and the Kochin Chinese * Moy.* In other words, the Mani- purian tribe, called Cossiahs by the Bengalis, belong to the Moi section of the great tribe called Tai by themselves and Shan vel Syan by the Burmese, the sectional name being also foreign and equivalent to the native."* Of course, the Manipuris are totally distinct from the Khasis,t and while Shan influence has exerted as great an influence over the culture as over the politics of Manipur, it is difficult, especially on linguistic grounds, to group the Meitheis with the Tai races when the structure and vocabulary of the Meithei language alike agree with those of the Tibeto-Burman races, a conclusion which rests on evidence very largely provided by Brian Hodgson himself.
Consult monograph on **Khasi8," by Major P. R. T. Garden, LA., who deals with the linguistic affinities of the Khasis very thoroiM;hly : also consult vol. ii. of the Report of the Linguistic Survey of Miia. Mon-Elhmer and Tai Families’’
The researches of the Linguistic Survey of India enable us to take a comprehensive view of the relationship of the Meithei language to the languages spoken by the hill tribes both in the State and beyond it. Dr. Grierson gives it a place in the Tibeto-Burman group of languages and defines the position of the Kuki Chin group to which it belongs, in the following words : —
- The Kuki Chin languages are closely connected with all the
surrounding groups of the Tibeto Burman family, the Bodo and Naga languages to the north, Kachin to the east, and Burmese to the east and south. More particularly they form a link which connects Burmese with the Bodo and Naga languages, having, especially in the north, many relations with the Kachin dialects, which in their turn, form another chain between Tibetan and Burmese." * In another passage he insists on the close con- nection between Kachin and the Kuki Chin languages, especially Meithei which he considers to be the link between the two groups.t
The remarks which I shall have to make when dealing with the hill tribes in Manipur need not be here anticipated, but their effect, cumulative and sustained, is to show that two hundred years ago in internal organization, in religion, in habits and manners, the Meitheis were as the hill people now are. The successive waves of foreign invasion, Shan, Burmese, English, Hindu, have each left permanent marks on the civilization of the people so that they have passed finally away from the stage of relatively primitive culture into one of comparative civiliza- tion, but their ultimate homogeneity with the Nagas and Kukis of the hills is undoubted, and in my opinion needs no further insistence.
The annals of Manipur leave it impossible to doubt that at an earlier period the intercourse between the Meitheis and the Naga tribes was coloured by considerable intimacy which may explain, if it does not altogether justify, the legend that at one time the Manipuris used to marry Naga girls from the great village of Maram. In a passage in the narrative of the reign of the reformer Gharib Nawaz, we find mention of an invitation to all the Naga chiefs. " The ministers and Sirdars of Manipur received the Naga Chiefs continuously, and made friendship and intimacy with them. The Raja entertained the Naga chiefs with good feasts and wine."
Whether the real nature of the connection between the Mani- puris and the hill tribes will ever be traced is doubtful, because it is obscured by the lack of historical material, the place of which cannot be entirely taken by comparative ethnology. Among the hill tribes in Manipur we find the same system of exogamic divisions, even the same names for the divisions, a phenomenon which is in my opinion capable of a very simple explanation. This topic will be discussed when dealing with the hill tribes. A speculative writer, like McLennan,* may found on such facts an elaborate theory of the growth of early human society, but here is it not due rather to community or identity of origin than to contact and chance connection ?
In discussing the origin of the Loi communities I found it necessary to set in array facts which clearly show that they are for the most part of the same origin as their Meithei masters. Unfortunately it is not within my power to add very much to Dr. Grierson's remarks on the paucity of linguistic evidence as regards the affinities of these minor groups. " None of these dialects has been returned for the survey, and they have probably all disappeared. The vocabularies published by Major McCulloch show that they cannot belong to the Kuki Chin group. But it has proved impossible to class them as belonging to any other group. There is apparently some connection with the Naga languages, especially with the eastern sub-group. But the materials available are not sufficient for a definite statement. The question must therefore be left open.
- Primitive Marriage, pp. 109-111. Among many of the hill tribes
are current legends which, differing in details, invariably agree in de- claring the Manipuris to be the descendants of the youngest of three brothers and therefore the most favoured.
But in order these legends are fortified by allusions to such differences as the superiority of the Manipuris in the matter of the clothing and their greater cleanliness. All that these ex post fado stories prove is that the hill tribes recognize their relation- ship with the Manipuris who, on their side, are for the most part content to acquiesce tacitly in the claim which they cannot explicitly deny. Such a legend as that which explains the ignorance of writing among tiie hill tribes, is found in many places with just enough variation to aSiiist it to local peculiarities. Of. Dr. Tylor {Anthropohgify p. 377) : ** What the poet relates may be fiction, what lie mentions is apt to be history." to make it possible to compare the forms given by McCulloch with those occurring in other Tibeto-Burman languages, I have given them as an appendix to the Meithei list, because this language has, to a considerable extent, influenced the vocabulary of the Lui dialects." * It is curious to observe that the names of the two principal Tableng villages, the members of which speak a language belonging to the south-eastern sub-group of Naga languages, are Wanching and Wakching, which happen also to be the names of villages in the south of Manipur.
While the advance of Meithei has obliterated the dialectical distinction of the Lois of Sengmai, Andro and Chairel, their religious customs have suffered less modification, as will be seen in the section on religious beliefs and practices. In anticipation of these results I venture to say that we may regard the Lois as in much the state as the Meitheis were when coerced into the smooth paths of Hinduism.
Dress
Colonel McCulloch describes the dress of the Manipuris in the following terms : " The men dress in the same way as they do in Hindustan ; but as a people the Munniporees far surpass the people to the west in the cleanliness of their garments. . . . Unless permitted by the Raja, various articles of dress and ornament cannot be worn, and permission to wear any of these articles is much coveted. Persons of high rank are permitted to have carried before them a red woollen cloth ; of a less rank, a green woollen cloth; and of a less still, a cloth of cotton manufacture. These they use as rugs to sit on, and it is only for such use they are prized ; as articles of dress they may be used by any who can afford to buy them.
The dress of the women is quite different from that worn by the women in the west. It consists of a striped cotton or silk cloth passed round the body under the armpits and over the breast, a jacket, and a sheet." t Dr- Brown, however, amplifies this account in the following passage : " The dress of the men does not differ materially from that of the Bengallee, and consists of the
dhotie, koorta, or shirt, only occasionally worn, and a chudder, or sheet. In winter those who can afford it wear a quilted and padded coat, like that worn in the Punjab, generally having long uncomfortable sleeves and enormously high collars. Shoes are seldom worn. The puggree is shorter than that worn by Hindustanis, but is put on in the same manner. The dress of the women when of good quality is picturesque and pleasing. During the hot weather it consists of a piece of cloth open except at the bottom, where it is stitched together by the edges for a few inches ; this is folded round the body, under the arm- pits and over the breast, and tucked in by the hand at the side of the body. In length it reaches the ground, but as this would be inconvenient in walking, it is hitched up about halfway to the knee, and tucked in again at the waist.
This piece of cloth,called a 'fanek* is only wide enough to go one and a half times round the body ; this gives enough room, however, for the legs in walking. The fanek is made in cotton and silk, and the only patterns are stripes of various colours and widths running across the material, the groundwork being of different colours.
The commoner patterns are red with green stripes, green and black, blue with black and white stripes, yellow and brown, dark blue with green and white stripes, etc. At the top and bottom of the garment is a broad margin, on which geometrical figures or patterns of various kinds are sewn by hand with floss silk in various colours. Over the fanek is worn a white sheet,* which is folded in the usual native manner, the face, however, being left uncovered. In the cold season a short jacket with long sleeves is worn ; this reaches below the bust over the fanek and is worn tight-fitting.
The material is usually velvet or satin, black, blue, or green being the favourite colours. The great drawback to this dress in a European's eyes is its tendency to spoil the figure the whole weight of thefanek resting on the bust soon ruins the shape. Female children, until puberty, or near it, wear the fanek round the waist, the upper part of the body being bare." It is necessary to add some particulars to the above account by noticing the peculiar costumes which custom permits or demands on certain occasions, by mentioning in some detail the sumptuary rules and regulations, and by giving some account of the periods at which, according to the annals of the State, changes 'in the attire of its people have been introduced.
The following sumptuary laws are recognized, and were enforced among the Manipuris by their own officials : —
The Kameng chatpa dhoti is a white silk dhoti with purple patterns of scrolls stamped on it by means of wooden blocks, which are said to have been introduced by the Chinese merchants who visited the State in the reign of Khagenba, circa A.D. 1630. It may not be worn by persons of inferior rank, but Rajkumars may use it at their pleasure, a privilege which is now extended to sons-in-law of the Raja.
The phi-ge-napu dhoti is an orange-coloured dhoti which may be worn by the classes of persons mentioned above. Children, however, are permitted to wear it.
Theju-gi mairi dhoti is a red silk dhoti which may be worn in the presence of the Raja by persons who hold titles of office as members of the Chirap, or by the favour of the Raja. On ordinary occasions it may be worn by anybody, but not in the presence of the Raja.
The gulap machu dhoti, or rose-coloured silk dhoti, of a pretty pink shade, may be worn only by the privileged persons who hold office or enjoy the royal favour, but it may be worn by any one else on ordinary occasions provided the Raja is not present. Children may wear it at pleasure.
Pagris with silk-patterned ends may be worn by descendants and relatives of the Raja and by those upon whom it is con- ferred as a mark of favour or distinction. Pagris with silk borders may not be worn in the presence of the Raja. Wrestlers and runners when performing in public wear a pagri with a projecting front, to which the name lam khang poak is given. The Raja's immediate servants, when in attendance at his meals or when accompanying him to worship or when massaging him, wear the pagri so as to cover the mouth. Ordinary persons at ordinary times are not allowed to come into the presence of the Raja with their pagris coiled in this fashion, nor are they permitted to twist it in rough coils when entering the royal presence.
Women are not allowed to wear chadars embroidered with gold either in the presence of the Eaja or elsewhere without permission. Descendants of the Baja are not bound by this restriction.
The national sports and games afford an opportunity for special and elaborate costumes. On the occasion of the great annual boat-races, in which in former days the Raja used to take part, the steersmen of the competing crews wear a kameng chatpa dhoti (see above), and to add to the dignity of the high-coiled pagri with fringed ends permitted to them, they wear feathers of the Argus pheasant or of the Hume's pheasant, with blossoms in long trailing coils of the blue orchid (Vanda caerulea). The wrestlers wear the kameng chatpa dhoti and the curious head-dress, which has a portion twisted up in front, in a manner which resembles the Marring coil
The costume of the polo players is more practical, and consists of a short jacket of dark velvet, worn even in hot weather, a dhoti generally of white cotton, and quilted leggings of a stout and serviceable nature. The pagri is fastened in such a way as to protect the ears and side of the head from blows, and if not particularly picturesque, is at any rate of great use, for in the heat and fury of the game the players become excited, and some people think that if they cannot hit the ball, they may as well hit the man.
The religious festivals, such as the Lai haraoba (or making merry with the gods), are occasions when the sumptuary laws are a little relaxed, and women don their gayest apparel without let or hindrance. Those who have been selected to take a part in one of the religious dances wear a handsome costume which is as modest as it is also beautiful, and which is sanctioned by long custom for these occasions. Old women make a living by hiring out these costumes, for they cost too much for ordinary purses to buy outright, and the appreciation of their charm, which so many British officers have shown, adds to their cost. The head-gear is a small skull-cap of black cloth or velvet, with a narrow band of pearl trimming at the edge ; sometimes they wear an ornamental branching spray of white imitation pearl beads on the cap.
The jacket is close fitting, and is of black cloth or velvet, with gold trimming about two inches deep on the sleeves, which do not reach down to the elbow. A white cloth is wound tightly round the waist from under the breasts just over the hips to give support. The petticoat is made of silk, either green or dark red, and at the bottom is a band of sequin ornamentation eighteen inches to two feet in depth. Over the shoulder and round the waist is fastened a decorative ornament, which I can only compare to a sabretasche with a shoulder-strap. On a groundwork of red silk or satin, they sew round, oval, or square pieces of glass silvered, set in gold and silver tinsel, with loose fringed ends of the same bright materials. Over the silk skirt they wear a top-skirt of white delicate muslin woven in the country, on which are sewn rows and rows of silver tinsel, till the whole is a mass of gorgeous splendour, reflecting the light in all directions, as the agile creatures whirl round and sink down in ecstatic worship of Radha Krishna, in whose honour they dance. The little lad who takes the part of Sri Krishna wears a handsome dress with a resplendent head-gear, adorned with peacocks' feathers and silver tinsel.
The first change in the matter of dress occurred, according to the Chronicles, in the reign of Chalumba, circa 1550, who is said to have "introduced the system of wearing Dhuties and decent clothing, coats made of wax cloth were also introduced during his time." It would be of extreme interest to know the precise nature of the presumably indecent clothing thus dis- placed. The luhup (lu = head — not a Meithei word — hup = khup, to cover) or head dress was first brought into use by Kiagenba in about 1600, and the Chronicles note that it is used by men of rank at the time of the festivals. Khagenba is also responsible for the adoption of the head gear known as Lam- khang poak. He was a zealous reformer in the matter of dress, for he also caused the people to take to the turban or pagri.
The first mention of the Kameng chatpa dhoti, or royal dhoti, dates from the reign. of Pikhomba, who ordered a man of the Potsangbom pannah to be beheaded for stealing one of these cloths, but its introduction is probably much earlier, as, accord- ing to tradition, it was first made in the country by Chinese, who are said to have visited Manipur ia the reign of Khagenba {circa 1630 A.D.), the inventor of a costume to which the name ningkham furit was given for the use of royalty and the ministers of state. The faichareng, a cap worn by ladies of high rank, is first mentioned in the year 1746, when the Rani, the wife of the Raja Pamheiba or Gharib Newaz, wore it at a dancing party given by the Chothe Nagas in their village.
Since that date changes of costume are not mentioned in the Chronicles, but the approach of European civilization has given rise to the fashion of wearing cast-oflf clothes from England. The combination of two such excellent garments as the dhoti and the frock coat does not display the merits of either garment, but the "old clothes'* corner of the Sena kaithel is always crowded, and in the early days of the British occupation a frock coat fetched in Manipur considerably more than it originally cost, while the competition for collars raised the price to about one rupee each. Free trade in these commodities has lowered the prices, but " Bilati " coats are worn by as many as can afford them, and the sale of old uniforms is making the fortunes of the enterprising traders who import them.
In dress the Lois are not distinguishable from Meitheis. The women wear the same costume. These remarks are also true of the Panggans, men and women, with the difference that the Panggan women wear faneks, which they fasten under the right breast, while Meithei women fasten this garment under the left breast. The colours of the faneks of Panggan women differ from those used by Manipuris, as, for instance, the green used by a Meithei will be darker, less glaring than the shade of green allowable to the Panggan.
Tattooing
The Manipuris do not tattoo, and there is no record of their having at any time practised this custom.
Ornaments
Dr. Brown * says that " The ornaments are earrings, necklets, and bracelets ; ankle ornaments are never worn, or rings on the toes. Nose ornaments are limited to a small piece of gold wire in the side of each nostril. The only ornaments which may be worn without restriction are earrings : these may be worn by any one. With regard to other ornaments of gold, permission for all but the upper classes to wear them must be obtained from the Raja. Ornaments of other metal than gold may be worn freely." The earrings worn by the men and by the majority of the women are of plain gold, generally a thin casing over a solid piece of lac. Men do not wear other ornaments, but the necklaces worn by the women of the upper classes are of tasteful, simple filigree designs manufactured by native goldsmiths, who prefer almost pure gold to work on, as their tools are not tempered for work on alloyed gold. The bracelets and necklaces are of chased and hammered patterns, while plain beads formed round a hollow nucleus of lac are common.
Weapons
The universal weapon, used in all kinds of emergency and for every purpose, in the fields, in war and in the arts of a more peaceful nature, is the dao. But the more the people of Manipur have become acquainted with the tools and implements of western civilization, the more thoroughly have they accepted the specialization of tools which marks the progress of organized modern industry. The advent of the horse, the foreign animal [sa, animal ; gol or kol, foreign], added an arm to their military organization which eventually became famous in the wars of the dawn of British authority in Further India. The cavalry of Manipur, better known as the Cassay Horse,* fought both for and against us in the First Burmese War. Their weapon was
- Extract from Snodgrass's Narrative of the First Burmese TTar, pp. 85,
86 : '* Numbers of these unfortunate beings (captives of war) from Cassay, Arracan, and Assam are to be found in Ava ; and even villages are to be met with on the Irrawaddy inhabited by mechanics, ironsmiths, and particular trades, whose features plainly indicate a foreign origin. The Mimniporeans or people of Cassay, in particular, abound in great numbers, and they are much prized as clever workmen. Owing to their superior skill in the management of the horse, the Burmese Cavalry is almost exclusively composed of them ; and they are distinguished by the national appellation of * The Cassay Horse.* '* the rambai or dart, the use of which was due no doubt to the fact that shock tactics could not be successfully carried out with such light cavalry in any country in which they were called on to operate.
"It consists," as Dr. Brown says,* " of two parts — one, the outer, is formed of ten or twelve long quills of peacock feathers, which are bound together so as to form a narrow hollow cylinder At one end is fastened a heavy pointed piece of iron ; into the sheath thus formed a bamboo rod is placed, projecting outwards about five inches, and forming a handle ; to this handle, to give a better hold, a piece of cord is attached ; each horseman had two quivers full of these arambas fixed on either side of his saddle behind ; in using them, the handle of the rod, which fitted the sheath with moderate firmness, was grasped firmly and the sheath flung, leaving the bamboo core in the hand ; the heavy iron on the point made the aramba fly true.
In pursuing, the aramba was thrown in front, and in retreating was useful in throwing behind and impeding the enemy." Spears, bows and arrows were also used as weapons of offence, and the intro- duction of firearms, while rendering them and the aramba to a large extent obsolete, also gave scope to the ingenuity of Manipuri artisans, who manufactured rough matchlocks, and are known to have risen to the height of producing a breech-loading gun of iron, which Dr. Brown thus describes : t " The breech- loader above mentioned, which is still in existence, is of iron and about three feet long ; the breech piece is separable from the gun and received the charge, its extremity being then inserted into the bore of the gun, a portion of barrel being cut out to admit of this ; the movable breech piece fastened behind by a slot passing through the gun (see photograph).
The bullet weighed only a few ounces, the bore being small. The piece, carriage and all, was carried by two men. Nothing is known of the inventive genius who made this gun, except that he was a native of Munnipore : it is probably about a hundred years ago." Eound shields, made of buffalo hide and studded with brass knobs, sufficiently thick and strong to turn a spear thrust, are carried, but mainly on ceremonial occasions only. Tradition asserts that from Chinese merchants who visited the State during the reign of Khagenba, circa 1630, the Manipuris learnt the art of manufacturing gunpowder, an art which to this day is still practised by the Kukis, who probably derive their acquaintance with it from the Manipuris. The Chronicles state that Khagenba, in 1627 a,d., " experimented to make big guns, and prepared one metal gun of big size."
There is a curious weapon of the form and on the principle of the bow, which is used as a catapult. The pellets of hardened clay travel with considerable force and with some accuracy.
See also
The Meitei Language and Grammar
The Meitei: Traditional economy
The Meiteis Habitat, Appearance
