Temple management: Tamil Nadu

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Arun Janardhanan, July 9, 2023: The Indian Express

In the previous state elections, Tamil Nadu-based godman Jaggi Vasudev had sought to make “freeing” of temples an issue, ostensibly with BJP blessings. This came in the wake of the 2018 Sabarimala temple row in Kerala, where the devout felt the Supreme Court had overstepped its boundaries in directing that women of all ages be allowed entry into the shrine — a decision opposed by the BJP and sought to be enforced by the CPI(M)-led government amid protests.

The 1,500-year-old Chidambaram Natarajar temple has been in the news since allegations surfaced of child marriages being held on the premises. As police ordered a probe, the temple’s powerful Dikshitar priests found support in Governor R N Ravi, who used the row to grind his own axe against the DMK government.

Following the arrest of some priests, other allegations surfaced, of the alleged mismanagement of temple wealth. A week ago, stirring the pot further, P K Sekar Babu, the Minister of Hindu Religious & Charitable Endowment (HR&CE) in the state, said the government was “considering options to” take over the temple.

The department also removed a board barring devotees from accessing the sanctum sanctorum during a recent festival, holding it discriminatory.

This was seen as the government extending its jurisdiction to actual running of the temples, with the priests arguing that the bar on access to the sanctum sanctorum during the festival was part of an ancient tradition. While the HR&CE Department oversees the management of most of the temple shrines in the state, including their funds, the temple authorities have the final say on rituals.

Babu had first stirred the waters in March 2022, when he spoke about state government endeavours to reclaim management of the Chidambaram temple, which was taken out of HR&CE jurisdiction following a 2014 Supreme Court order.

In 2020, Justice G R Swaminathan of the Madras High Court said temples were best entrusted to those of the Hindu faith.

R S S leaders in South India are happy, if surprised, at the DMK government entering the tricky territory now, and believe it will become an issue in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

The debate goes as far back as the time of the British East India Company, which placed temple management under a Revenue Board in 1817. But in 1858, by when the control of India had passed on to the British government, Queen Victoria had to deal with an interesting complaint sent by Christian establishments in India, who were concerned about British officers getting “overtly engaged (with) and exposed to temple activities and Hindu rituals”. For people who grew up with the concept of One God, encountering a new religion that cherished a myriad of gods, cultures and faith sects was a bewildering experience.

The British government then issued a directive that its officials should not interfere in matters “unrelated to Christianity”. Hence, the management of temples was handed over to local communities, with officials only stepping in for dispute resolution.

Upon Independence, India passed the HR&CE Act in 1951, for temple management, with official oversight over administration and finance but with the sanctity of temple rituals lying solely with the priests.

Hypothetically, even if the government were to disassociate itself completely from a role in Hindu temples, there are no clear answers as to who would control them and particularly their huge wealth.

The Hindu faith itself is fluid, with mores changing over the years. For example, if the OBC Nadar community was considered “untouchable” once and not allowed into the Tiruchendur Murugan Temple, most of its trustees are Nadars now. At Triplicane Parthasarathy Temple, after Vaishnavites were included as trustees a few years ago, there was a debate over who was a Vaishnavite.

To many, this is proof that the reforms should be allowed to rise on their own from within the faith.

Those on this side of the argument also say that while there is undeniable corruption in the running of shrines by temple authorities, as well as internal disputes and legal fights, the government has not covered itself in glory either.

In the Chidamabram temple issue, for example, the 2014 ruling of the Supreme Court in favour of the Dikshitar priest community followed a century-long dispute between the government and priests. Back in 1885, the Dikshitars appealed to the Madras High Court to recognise the temple as private. The court ruled in their favour, followed by long legal battles as the government sought to counter the Dikshitars citing the need to streamline the running of the temple.

In 2009, a single judge of the High Court upheld the appointment of an ‘executive officer’, ruling that the Dikshitars were not entitled to protection as a denomination temple in administration matters, and that the state could intervene and regulate administration.

Finally, the Supreme Court in 2014 challenged the scope of government intervention in the management of religious institutions and said that any such takeover of a temple must be for a fixed limited period.

HR&CE Minister Babu says the government was acting in good faith, and would step in only if the Chidambaram temple continues to be “mismanaged”. It was only interested in the temple’s proper running, he told The Indian Express.

To showcase the government’s intentions, Babu claims recovery by it of 5,007 acres of temple land since 2021, worth thousands of crores, across Tamil Nadu.

“If they (the priests) continue to lead the temple into chaos, continue to violate the rights of devotees, conduct illegal practices and mismanage assets and wealth, we will consider ways to take over. Otherwise, we need not have such plans,” he said.

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