Mewar 21: The Imposition of the Jizya
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Mewar 21: The Imposition of the Jizya
The Imposition of the Jizya or Capitation Tax
The annalls of Rajputana is but an indifferent chronologist, and leaves us doubtful of the exact succession of events at this period. It was not, however, till the death of those two powerful princes, Jaswant Singh of Marwar and Jai Singh of Amber, both poisoned by conunand of the tyrant, the one at his distant government of Kabul, the other in the Deccan, that he deemed himself free to put forth the full extent of his long-concealed design, the imposi tion of the jizya or capitation tax on the whole Huidu race. But he miscalculated his measures, and th» murder of these princes, far from advancing his aim, recoiled with vengeance on his head. Foiled in his plot to entrap the infant sons of the Rathor by the self-devotion of his vassals, 1 the compound treachery evinced that
1 Two hundred and fifty Rajputs opposed five thousand of the Imperialists at a pass, till the family of Jaswant escaped. their only hope lay in a deadly resistance. The mother of Ajit, the infant heir of Marwar, a woman of the most determined character, was a princess of Mewar, and she threw herself upon the Rana as the natural guardian of his rights, for sanctuary {saran) during the dangers of his minority. This was readily yielded, and Kelwa assigned as his residence, where under the immediate safeguard of the brave Durgadas Ajit resided,^ while she nursed the spirit of resistance at home. A union of interests was cemented between these the chief States of Rajputana, for which they never before had such motive, and but for repeated instances of an ill-judged humanity, the throne of the Moguls might have been completely overturned [380].
Letter of Remonstrance to Aurangzeb
On the promulgation of that barbarous edict, the jizya, the Rana remonstrated by letter, in the name of the nation of which he was the head, in a style of such micompromising dignity, such lofty yet temperate resolve, so much of soul-stirring rebuke mingled with a boundless and tolerating benevolence, such elevated ideas of the Divinity with such pure philanthropy, that it may challenge competition with any epistolary production of any age, clime, or condition.2
1 The Rana received the young Rathor with the most princely hospitaUty, and among other gifts a diamond worth ten thousand dinars is enumerated. 2 This letter, first made known to Europe by Orme {Fragments, Notes, sciii. ft'.], has by him been erroneously attributed to Jaswant Singh of Marwar, who was dead before the promulgation of the edict, as the mention of Ramsingh sufficiently indicates, whose father, Jai Smgh, was contemporary with Jaswant, and ruled nearly a year after his death. My Munshi obtained a copy of the original letter at Udaipur, where it is properly assigned to the Rana. [Compare the version of this letter in Jadunath Sarkar (iii. 325 ft.), who remarks that " the internal evidence and biographical details of the writer apply to Shiva ji and not to Raj Singh. In the penultimate paragraph of the letter Eajah Ram Singh is given for Rana Raj Singh by ASBMs and Orme ; but no Jaipur chieftain could have been ' the head of the Hindus.' "] It were superfluous to give a translation after the elegant production of Sir W. B. Rouse.
" Letter from Rana Raj Singh to Aurangzeb. " All due jiraise be rendered to the glory of the Ahnighty, and the munifi cence of your majesty, which is conspicuous as the sun and moon. Although I, your well-wisher, have separated from your subhme presence, I am never theless zealous in the performance of every bounden act of obedience and loyalty. My ardent wishes and strenuous services are employed to promote the prosperity of the Kings, Nobles, Mirzas, Rajahs, and Roys of the pro vinces of Hindostan, and the chiefs of Eraun, Turaun, Room, and Shawm, In this are contained the true principles of Christianity, and to the illustrious Gentile, and such as acted as he did, was pointed the inhabitants of the seven climates, and all persons travelling by land and by water. This my inclination is notorious, nor can your royal wisdom entertain a doubt thereof. Reflecting therefore on my former services, and your majesty's condescension, I presume to sohcit the royal attention to some circumstances, in which the public as weU as private welfare is greatly interested.
" I have been informed that enormous sums have been dissipated in the prosecution of the designs formed against me, your well-wisher ; and that you have ordcfed a tribute to be levied to satisfy the exigencies of your exhausted treasury. " May it please your majesty, your royal ancestor Mahomed 'Jelaul ul Deen Akbar, whose throne is now in heaven, conducted the affairs of this empire in equity and fu-m security for the space of fifty-two years, preserving every tribe of men in ease and happiness, whether they were followers of Jesus or of Moses, of David or Mahomed ; were they Brahunns, were they of the sect of Dharians, which denies the et'ernity of matter, or of that which ascribes the existence of the world to chance, they all equally enjoyed his countenance and favour : insomuch that his people, in gratitude for the indiscriminate protection he afforded them, distmguished him by the appel lation of Juggut Gooroo (Guardian of Mankind).
" His majesty Mahomed Noor ul Deen Jehanghccr, likewise, whose dweUing is now in paradise, extended, for a period of twenty-two years, the shadow of his protection over the heads of his people ; successful by a constant fidehty to his alhes, and a vigorous exertion of his arm in business. " Nor less did the illustrious Shah Jehan, by a propitious reign of thirty two years, acquire to himself immortal reputation, the glorious reward of clemency and virtue.
" Such were the benevolent inchnations of your ancestors. Whilst they pursued these great and generous principles, wheresoever they directed their steps, conquest and prosperity went before them ; and then they reduced many countries and fortresses to their obedience. During your majesty's reign, many have been ahenated from the empire, and farther loss of territory must necessarily follow, since devastation and rapine now universally prevail without restraint. Your subjects are trampled under foot, and every province of your empire is impoverished ; depopulation spreads, and difficulties accumulate. When indigence has reached the habitation of the sovereign and his princes, what can be the condition of the nobles ? As to the soldiery, they are in murmurs ; the merchants complaining, the Mahomedans discontented, the Hindoos destitute, and multitudes of people, Avretched even to the want of their nightly meal, are beating their heads throughout the day in rage and desperation.
" How can the dignity of the sovereign be preserved who employs his power in exacting heavy tributes from a people thus miserably reduced ? At this juncture it is told from east to west, that the emperor of Hindostan, jealous of the poor Hindoo devotee, will exact a tribute from Brahunns, Sanorahs, Joghies, Berawghies, Sanyasees ; that, regardless of the illustrious that golden sentence of toleration, " Those [381] who have not the law, yet do by nature the things contamed in the law, shall be a law unto themselves."
Aurangzeb attacks Mewar
This letter, the sanctuary afforded Ajit, and (what the historical parasite of the Mogul's life dared not indite 1 ) the carrying off of his betrothed, made him pour out all the phials of his wrath against the devoted Mewar, and his preparations more resembled those for the conquest of a potent kingdom than the subjugation of a Rajput zamindar,2 a vassal of that colossal empire on whose surface his domain was but a speck. In the very magnitude of these, the Suzerain of Hindustan paid the highest tribute of praise to the tributary Rajput, for he denuded the very extremities of his empire to assemble a host which he deemed must prove irresistible. Akbar was recalled from his province, Bengal ; Azam from the distant Kabul ; and even Muazzam (the Mogul's heir) from the war in the Deccan. honour of his Timurean race, he condescends to exercise his power over the solitary inoffensive anchoret. If your majesty places any faith in those books, by distinction called divine, you will there be instructed that God is the God of all mankind, not the God of Mahomedans alone. The Pagan and the Mussulman are equally in His presence. Distinctions of colour are of His ordination. It is He who gives existence. In your temples, to His name the voice is raised in prayer ; in a house of images, where the bell is shaken, still He is the object of adoration. To vilify the rehgion or customs of other men is to set at naught the pleasure of the Almighty. When we deface a picture, we naturally incur the resentment of the painter ; and justly has the poet said, presume not to arraign or scrutinize the various works of power divine.
" In fine, the tribute you demand from the Hindoos is repugnant to justice : it is equally foreign from good pohcy, as it must impoverish the country : moreover, it is an innovation and an infringement of the laws of Hindostan. But if zeal for your own rehgion hath induced you to deter mine upon this measure, the demand ought, by the rules of equity, to have been made first upon Ramsing, who is esteemed the principal amongst the Hindoos. Then let your weU-wisher be called upon, with whom you will have less difficulty to encounter ; but to torment ants and flies is unworthy of an heroic or generous mind. It is wonderful that the ministers of your government shoidd have neglected to instruct your majesty in the rules of rectitude and honour." 1 It is well known that Aurangzeb forbade the continuation of the history of his life, subsequent to that portion comprehending the first ten years [the Alamgirndma ; see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 302].
2 The epithet by which these Tatar sovereigns affected to call the indigenous (bhumia) princes. With this formidable array 1 the emperor entered Mewar, and soon reduced the low countries, which experience had taught them were indefensible, the inhabitants previously retiring with their effects to the hills. 2 Chitor, Mandalgarh, Mandasor, Jiran, and many other strongholds were obtained after the usual form of opposition, and garrisoned by the Moguls. Meanwhile the Rana was animating the might of the Aravalli, where he meditated a resistance proportioned to the peril which threatened every cherished prejudice of his race : not the mere defence of dominion or dignity, but a struggle, pro arts et focis, around which rallied every Rajput with the most deadly determination. Even the pruTiitive races of the western wilds, " the Palindas ^ and Pali pats 3 {lord of the passes), with thousands of bows, and hearts devoted in the cause of Hindupat," 4 assembled round the red banner of Mewar. The Rana divided his forces into three bodies [382]. His eldest son, Jai Singh, was posted on the crest of the AravalU, ready to act on the invaders from either side of the mountains. Prince Blum was to the west, to keep up the com munications with the outlets to Gujarat ; while the Rana, with the main body, took post in the Nai deftle, unassailable by the enemy, and hanging on his left flank, ready to turn it, and cut off all retreat the moment the Imperialists entered the mountains. Aurangzeb advanced to Debari, but instead of entering the valley of Avhich it was the gorge, he halted, and by the advice of Tahawwar Khan 5 sent on Prince Akbar with fifty thousand men to the capital. This caution of the wily monarch saved him from the ably planned scheme of the Rajput prince, who evinced a thorough knowledge 6 of the topography of this intricate and
1 There were no such field trains in Europe as those of the Moguls. Seventy pieces of heavy ordnance, sixty of horse artillery, and a dromedary corps three hundred strong, mounting swivels, accompanied the emperor on an excursion to Kashmir. Bernier, who gives this detail, describes what he saw [217 f.]. 2 [For this campaign see the account in Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Axirangzib , iii. 365 ft'.] 3 Pal is the local term for these long defiles, the residence of the moun taineers : their chiefs are called Indras, Pali, in Bhakha, Pat. 4 Chief of the Hindus. 5 [In the text " Tyber " Khan. His original name was Jan Beg, also known as Badshah Kuh Khan, one of Aurangzeb's great nobles (Manucci ii. 239, note 3, 247, note). His tragical end is told later on.] 6 The Saktawat leader, Gharibdas, has the merit of having prompted romantic portion of his domain. The Girwa, emphatically ' the Circle,' from which the valley of the capital is named, has this form to the eye when viewing it from thence as a centre. It is, however, an irregular ellipse of about fourteen miles in length from south to north, and about eleven in breadth from east to west, the capital being situated towards the extremity of the transverse axis, having only the lake Pichola between it and the base of the Aravalli, The mountains of this circular (girwa) valley, ranging from eight to twelve hundred feet in height, are of primitive formation, and raise their fantastic pinnacles in every diversity of shape over each other. To the westward the grand chain rises two thousand feet above the plains, and might be termed the chords of which the Girwa is an irregular segment of a circle, less in height, and far less compound in character. Towards the plains east, it has three practicable passes ; one, the more northern, by Delwara ; the other (central), by Debari ; a third, leading to the intricacies of Chappan, that of Nai. Of these three passes the emperor chose the most practicable, and encamped near the Udaisagar lake, on the left of its entrance.
The Advance of Prince Akbar
Prince Akbar advanced. " Not a soul interrupted his progress to the city. Palaces, gardens, lakes, and isles met his eye, but no living thing : all was silence." Akbar encamped. Accustomed to this desertion from the desire of the people to avoid a licentious soldiery, and lulled into a hardy security, he was surprised [383] by the heir of Mewar. Some were praying, some feasting, some at chess : " they came to steal and yet fell asleep," says the annalist, and were dispersed with terrific and unrelenting slaughter. Cut off from the possi bility of a junction with the emperor by a movement of a part of the Rana's personal force, Akbar attempted a retreat to the plains of Marwar by the route of Gogunda. It was a choice of evils, and he took the worst. The allodial vassals of the moun tains, with the Bhil auxiliaries, outstripped his retreat, and blocked up farther egress in one of those long-extended valleys termed Nal, closed by a natural rampart or Col, on which they this plan. His speech on the advance of Aurangzeb is given in the Annals ; and his advice, " Let the king have free entrance through the passes, shut him in, and make famine his foe," was literally followed, with the hard knocks, which being a matter-of-course accompaniment, the gallant Saktawat deemed it unnecessary to specify. formed nhhaiis of trees, and manning the crests on each side, hurled destruction on the foe ; while the prince, in like manner, blocked up the entrance and barred retrogression. Death menaced them in every form. For several days they had only the prospect of surrender to save them from famine and a justly incensed foe, when an ill-judged humanity on the part of Jai Singh saved them from annihilation. He admitted overtures, confided in protestations to renounce the origin of the war, and gave them guides to conduct them by the defile of Jhilwara, nor did they halt till protected by the walls of Chitor.1
1 Orme, who has many valuable historical details of this period, makes Aurangzeb in person to have been in the predicament assigned by the annals to his son, and to have escaped from the operation of those high and gallant sentiments of the Rajput, which make him no match for a wily adversary. " In the meantime Aurengzebe was carrying on the war against the Rana of Cheetore, and the Raja of Marwar, who on the approach of his army at the end of the preceding year, 1678, had abandoned the accessible country, and drew their herds and inhabitants into the vallies, within the mountains ; the army advanced amongst the defiles with incredible labour, and with so little inteUigence, that the division which moved with Aurengzebe himself was unexpectedly stopped by insuperable defences and precipices in front ; whilst the Rajpoots in one night closed the streights in his rear, by feUing the overhanging trees ; and from their stations above prevented all en deavours of the troops, either within or without, from removing the obstacle. Udeperri, the favourite and Circassian wife of Aurengzebe, accompanied him in this arduous war, and with her retinue and escort was enclosed in another part of the mountains ; her conductors, dreading to expose her person to danger or public view, surrendered. She was carried to the Rana, who received her with homage and every attention. Meanwhile the em peror himself might have perished by famine, of which the Rana let him see the risque, by a confinement of two days ; when he ordered his Rajpoots to withdraw from their stations, and suffer the way to be cleared. As soon as Aurengzebe was out of danger, the Rana sent back his wife, accompanied by a chosen escort, who only requested in return that he would refrain from destroying the sacred animals of their rehgion which might still be left in the plains ; but Aurengzebe, who believed in no virtue but seK-interest, imputed the generosity and forbearance of the Rana. to the fear of future vengeance, and continued the war. Soon after he was again well-nigh enclosed in the mountains. This second experience of difficulties beyond his age and con stitution, and the arrival of his sons, Azim and Acbar, determined him not to expose himself any longer in the field, but to leave its operations to their conduct, superintended by his own instructions from Azmir ; to which city he retired with the households of his family, the officers of his court, and his bodyguard of four thousand men, dividing the array between his two sons, who each had brought a considerable body of troops from their respective Another body of the Imperialists, under the celebrated Dilir Khan,1 who [384] entered by the Desuri Pass from Marwar (prob ably with a view of extricating Prince Akbar), were allowed to advance imopposed, and when in the long intricate gorge were assailed by Bikram Solanki 2 and Gopinath Rathor ' (both nobles of Me war), and after a desperate conflict entirely destroyed. On each occasion a vast booty fell into the hands of the Rajputs.
So ably concerted was this mountain Avarfare, that these defeats were the signal for a simultaneous attack by the Rana on Aurang zeb, who, with his son Azam, watched at Debari the result of the operations under Akbar and Dilir. The great home-clans had more than their wonted rivalry to sustain them, for the gallant Durgadas with the Rathor swords (tahwar Bathorun) whetted by an accumulation of wrongs, were to combat with them against their common oppressor ; and nobly did they contest the palm of glory. The tyrant could not withstand them : his guns, though manned by Franks, could not protect him against the just cause and avenging steel of the Rajput, and he was beaten and com pelled to disgraceful flight, with an immense loss in men and equipment. The Rana had to lament many brave leaders, home and auxiliary ; and the imperial standard, elephants, and state equipage fell into his hands, the acquisition of Mohkam and the Saktawats. This glorious encounter occurred in the spring month of Phalgun, S. 1737, March a.d. 1681 [1680].
The discomfited forces formed a junction under the walls of Chitor, whence the emperor dictated the recall of his son. Prince Muazzam, from the Deccan, deeming it of greater moment to regain lost importance in the north than to prevent the independ ence of Sivaji. Meanwhile the acti^^ty of Sawaldas (descended from the illustrious Jaimall) cut off the communication between Chitor and Ajmer, and alarmed the tyrant for his personal safety. Leavmg, therefore, this perilous warfare to his sons Azam and foiled in his governments. They continued the war each in a different part of the country, and neither at the end of the year had forced the ultimate passes of the mountains" {^Historical Fragments, 119 f.].
1 [Dilir Khan, otherwise Jalal Khan Daudzai, died at Aurangabad, 1682-83 (Manucci i. 243). Grant Duff speaks highly of his services in the Deccan (145 f.)-] 2 Chief of Rupnagar. 3 Chief of Ghancrao, in Godwar, now alienated from Mewar. vengeance and personally disgraced, he abandoned Mewar, and at the head of his guards repaired to Ajmer. Thence he detached 1 Khan Rohilla, with twelve thousand men, against Sawaldas, with supplies and equipments for his sons. The Rathor, joined by the troops of Marwar, gave him the meeting at Pur Mandal, and defeated the Imperialists with great loss, driving them back on Ajmer [385].
Diversion made by the Rajputs
While the Rana, his heir and auxiliaries, were thus triumphant in all their operations, Prince Bhim with the left division was not idle, but made a powerful diversion by the invasion of Gujarat, captured Idar, expelling Hasan and his garrison, and proceeding by Birnagar, suddenly appeared before Patau, the residence of the provincial satrap, which he plundered. Siddhpur, Modasa,2 and other towns shared the same fate ; and he was in full march to Surat, when the bene volence of the Rana, touched at the woes of the fugitives, who came to demand his forbearance, caused him to recall Bhim in the midst of his career.
Contrary to the Rajput character, whose maxim is parcere subjectis, they were compelled by the utter faithlessness of Aurang zeb (chiefly vulnerable through his resources) to retaliate his excesses ; and Dayal Sah, the civil minister, a man of high courage and activity, headed another flying force, which ravaged Malwa to the Nerbudda and Betwa. Sarangpur, Dewas, Sironj, Mandu, Ujjain, and Chanderi were plundered, and numerous garrisons put to the sword ; and, to use the words of the Chronicle, " husbands abandoned their wives and children, and whatever could not be carried off was given to the flames." For once they avenged themselves, in imitation of the tyrant, even on the religion of their enemies : " the Kazis were bound and shaved, and the Korans thrown into wells." The minister was unrelenting and made Malwa a desert, and from the fruits of his incursions repaired the resources of his master. Flushed with success, he formed a junction with the heir of Mewar, and gave battle to Azam near Chitor. On this occasion the flower of Mewar, with the Rathor and Khichi auxiliaries,3 were engaged, and obtained
1 [Some name is wanting here.] 2 [Siddhpur, a famous place of pilgrimage in Baroda State {IGI, xxii. 358 f.); Modasa, fifty-two miles north-east of Ahmadabad (BG, vi. 346).] 3 Mokham and Ganga Saktawats, Ratan Chondawat of Salumbar, a glorious victorj', the Mogul prince being defeated and pursued with great slaughter to Ranthambhor, which he entered. This was a just revenge, for it was Azam who surprised Chitor the year preceding. In Mewar the contest terminated with the expulsion of the Imperialists from the country ; when the Rana, in support of the rights of the minor prince of Marwar, united his arms to the forces of that state, and opened the campaign at Ghanerao, the chief town of [386] Godwar. The heroic mother of the infant Rathor prince, a daughter of Mewar, had, since the death of her husband, well supported his rights, having resisted every aggres sion and regained many lost advantages over their antagonist. Prince Bhim commanded the Sesodias, who formed a junction with the Rathors, and gave battle to the royal forces led by Akbar and Tahawwar Khan, whom they entirely defeated. The victory is chiefly attributed to a stratagem of a Rajput chief, who, having carried off five hxmdred camels from the Imperialists, conceived the idea of fixing torches to them and letting them loose in the royal camp ; and, in the confusion produced by the charge of such a body, the Rajputs assaulted them.
Plan to dethrone Aurangzeb
On their continued successes, the Rana and his allies meditated the project of dethroning the tyrant and setting up his son Akbar. The pernicious example of his father towards Shah Jahan was not lost upon Akbar, who favourably received the overture ; but he wanted the circum spection which characterized Aurangzeb, whose penetration defeated the scheme when on the eve of execution. 1 Already had the Rajput armies united with Akbar, and the astrologer had fixed the day which was to exalt him ; but the revealer of secrets baffled his own prediction by disclosing it to the emperor. All rangzeb, attended only by his guards at Ajmer, had recourse to the same artifice which raised him to empire, in order to ward off this danger. Akbar was but one day's march distant ; his elder sons, Muazzam and Azam, yet far off. Not a moment was to be lost : he penned a letter to his son, which by a spy was Chandrasen Jhala of Sadri, Sabal Singh Chauhan of Bedla, Berisal Pun war of Bijolia. Four of the chiefs made speeches on the eve preceding the battle, which are recorded in the Chronicle.
1 [For Akbar's rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 402 ff. ; Elliot-Dowson vii. 298 ff. ; Manucci ii. 243 ff.] dropped in 'the tent of the Rajput leader Durgadas.1 In this he applauded a pretended scheme by which Akbar was to fall upon them when they engaged the emperor. The same scheme had saved Sher Shah in this coimtry from Maldeo, and has more recently been put in practice, and with like success, in the war -svith Sivaji. It succeeded. The Rajputs detached themselves from the prince Avho had apparently betrayed them. Tahawwar Khan, in despair, lost his life in an attempt to assassinate the emperor, 2 and before the artifice was discovered, the reinforcements under Muazzam and Azam arrived, and Aurangzeb was saved. The Rajputs still offered saran (refuge) to Akbar ; but aware of his father's vigour of character, he deemed himself unsafe in his vicinage, and accepted the escort of five himdred Rajputs led by Durgadas [387], who cut their way through every opposition by the defiles of Mewar and Dungarpur, and across the Nerbudda, to the Mahratta leader Sambhaji, at Palargarh, whence he was shortly after conveyed in an English ship to Persia.'
Overtures for Peace
" The escape of Acbar " (observes an historian,4 who appreciated the importance of the transactions of this period) " to Sambagee, oppressed Aurengzebe with as much anxiety, as formerly the phantom of his brother Sujah amongst the Pitans ; and the consequence of their alliance 1 A portrait of tWs Rathor hero was given to the author of the present work by his descendants. He was chief of Dunara, on the Luni. He saved his young sovereign's life from the tyrant, and guarded him during a long minority, heading the Rathors in all the wars for the independence of his country. A bribe of forty thousand gold s^uns was sent to him by Azam without stipulation, when conveying Akbar out of danger. The object was obvious, yet the Mogul prince dared not even specify his wishes. It is needless to say that Durga spurned the offer. [For the flight of Akbar see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 415 £F.] 2 [For the attempt of Tahawwar Khan to assassinate Aurangzeb see Manucci ii. 247 ff. ; Jadunath Sarkar ii. 411 ff.] 3 [Palargarh is perhaps Palanpur (IGI, xix. 354). Akbar died in Persia, 1706.1 4 " We are not without hopes that some of the many in India who have the means will supply the portions of information which are deficient in these fragments, and must otherwise always continue out of our reach. The knowledge is well worth the inquiry ; for, besides the magnitude of the events and the energy of the characters which arise within this period, there are no states or powers on the continent of India, with whom our nation have either connection or concern, which do not owe the origin of their present condition to the reign of Aurengzebe, or to its influence on the reigns of his successors " (Orme's Fragments [Notes i. f.]). became a nearer care than the contuiuance of the war against the Rajpoots, whose gallant activity prevented a speedy decision by the sword ; but the dignity of the throne forbad any overtures of peace to a resistance which had attempted the deposal, if not the life, of the monarch. A Rajpoot officer, who had long served with distinction under Delire Khan, solved the difficulty : he quitted the army on the pretence of retiring to his own country and visited the Rana as from courtesy on his journey. The conversation turned on the war, which the Rajpoot perhaps reaUy lamented, and he persuaded the Rana that although Aurengzebe would never condescend to make, he might accept overtures of peace : upon which he was empowered by the Rana to tender them." 1 The domestic annals confirm this account, and give the name of this mediator. Raja Shyam Singh of Bikaner ; but the negotiation was infamously protracted to the rains, the period when operations necessarily cease, and by which time Aurangzeb had recruited his broken forces, and was again enabled to take the field ; and it was concluded " without assertion or release of the capitation tax, but with the surrender of the districts taken from Chitor, and the State of Jodhpur was included in the treaty." How correctly this elegant historian had obtained a knowledge of those events, a translation of the treaty evinces.2 But these
" Your servants, according to your royal pleasure and summons, have been sent by the Rana to represent what is written underneath. We hope you will agree to these requests, be.sides others which will be made by Padam Singh.
"1. Let Chitor, with the districts adjacent appertaining thereto when it was inhabited, be restored. " 2. In such temples and places of Hindu religious resort as have been converted into mosques, the past cannot be recalled, but let this practice be abolished. " 3. The aid hitherto afforded to the empire by the Rana shall be con tinued, but let no additional commands be imposed. " 4. The sons and dependants of the deceased Raja Jaswant Singh so occurrences belong to the succeeding reign, for the Rana died about this period 1 from wounds and vexation.
Cruel Treatment of Raja of Golkonda
Once more we claim the reader's admiration on behalf of another patriot prince of Mewar, and ask him to contrast the indigenous Rajput with the emperor of the Aloguls [388] ; though to compare them would be manifestly unjust, since in every moral virtue they were antipodes to each other. Aurangzeb accumulated on his head more crimes than any prince who ever sat on an Asiatic throne. With all the disregard of life which marks his nation, he was never be trayed, even in the fever of success, into a single generous action ; and, contrary to the prevailing principle of our nature, the moment of his foe's submission was that chosen for the mallgnant completion of his revenge : witness his scourging the prostrate Iving of Golkonda.2 How opposite to the beneficence of the Rajput prince, who, when the most efficient means of self-defence lay in the destruction of the resources of his enemy, feeling for the miseries of the suffering population of his persecutor, recalled his son m the midst of victory ! As a skilful general and gallant soldier, in the defence of his country, he is above all [389] praise. As a chivalrous Rajput, his braving all consequences when called upon to save the honour of a noble female of his race, he is without parallel. As an accomphshed prince and benevolent man, his dignified letter of remonstrance to Aurangzeb on the promulga tion of the capitation edict, places him high in the scale of moral as well as intellectual excellence ; and an additional evidence of both, and of his taste for the arts, is furnished by the formation of the inland lake, the Rajsamund, with a slight account of which, and the motives for its execution, we shall conclude the sketch of this glorious epoch in the annals of Mewar. soon as enabled to perform their duties, we hope will have their country restored to them. *
" Respect prevents inferior demands. May the splendour of your for tune, like the sun illuminating the world, be for ever increasing and never set. " The Arzi (requests) of your servants, Sur Singh and Narhar Bhat."
- S. 1737, A.D. 1681.
1 It was to defend the rights of the heir of Marwar, as well as to oppose the odious jizya, that the Rana took to arms. Ajit was still under the Rana's safeguard.
2 [Orme, Fragments, 217 f. A tUti'erent story is told by Khafi Khan (Elliot-Dowson vii. 334).]
The Rajsamund Lake
This great national work is twenty five miles north of the capital, and is situated on the declivity of the plain about two miles from the base of the Aravalli. A small perennial stream, called the Gomati or ' serpentine,' 1 flowing from these mountains, was arrested in its course, and confined by an immense embankment, made to form the lake called after himself, Rajsamund, or ' royal sea.' The hand or dam forms an irregular segment of a circle, embracing an extent of nearly three miles, and encirchng the waters on every side except the space between the north-west and north-east points. This barrier, which confines a sheet of water of great depth, and about twelve miles in circumference, is entirely of white marble, with a flight of steps of the same material, throughout this extent, from the summit to the water's edge ; the whole buttressed by an enormous rampart of earth, which, had the projector lived, would have been planted with trees to form a promenade. On the south side are the town and fortress built by the Rana, and bearing his name, Rajnagar ; and upon the embankment stands the temple of Kankroli, the shrine of one of the seven forms {sarup) of Krishna. The whole is ornamented with sculpture of tolerable execution for the age ; and a genealogical sketch of the founder's family is inscribed in conspicuous characters. One million one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling,2 contributed by the Rana, his chiefs and opulent subjects, was expended on this work, of which the material was from the adjacent quarries. But, magnificent, costly, and useful as it is, it derives its chief beauty from the benevolent motive to which it owes its birth : to alleviate the miseries of a starving population, and make their employment conducive to national benefit, during one of those awful visitations [390] of providence, famine, and pestilence with which these states are sometimes afflicted.
The Famine ofa.d. 1662
It was in S. 1717, 3 only seven years after the accession of Raj Singh, that these combined evils reached Mewar, less subject to them, owing to its natural advantages, than any other State in India ;’ and on Tuesday the 8th of Pus, 1 [A common error ; Gtomati, meaning ' rich in cattle,' has no connexion with Hiiadi ghumna, ' to twist.'] 2 Ninety-six lakhs of rupees [Erskine ii. A. 9]. 3 A.D. 1661. 4 From all I could learn, it was the identical pestilence which has been ravaging India for the last ten years, erroneously called cholera morbus. Hasti Nakshatra (constellation of the elephant), as fixed by the astrologer, the first stone was laid. " The chief of Mewar, deeply meditating on this extreme distress, determined to raise a monu ment, by which the wretched might be supported and his own name perpetuated. This was seven years in constructing, and at its commencement and termination all the rites of sacrifice and oblation were observed.
" The Rana went to implore favour at the temple of the ' four armed ' ; for though Asarh 1 was over, not a drop of rain fell from the heavens ; and, in like manner, the months of Sawan |; and Bhadon 1 passed away. For want of water the world was in despair, and people went mad with himger. Things unknown as food were eaten. The husband abandoned the wife, the wife time increased the evil ; it spread far and wide : even the insects died : they had nothing to feed on. Thousands of all ages became victims to hunger. Those who procured food to-day, ate twice what nature required. The wind was from the west, a pestilential vapour. The constellations were always visible at night, nor was there a cloud in the sky by day, and thunder and lightning were unknown. Such portents filled mankind with dread. Rivers, lakes, and fountains were dried up. Men of wealth meted out the portions of food. The ministers of religion forgot their duties. There was no longer distinction of caste, and the Sudra and Brahman were undistingiiishable. Strength, wisdom, caste, tribe, all were abandoned, and food alone was the object. The Charbaran 3 threw away every symbol of separation ; all was lost in hunger. Fruits, flowers, every vegetable thing, even trees were stripped of their bark, to appease the cravings [391] of hunger : nay, 7nan ate man ! Cities were depopulated. The seed of families was lost, the fishes were extinct, and the hope of all extmguished." 3
About thirty-five years ago the same disease carried off multitudes in these countries. Orme [Fragments, 200] gives notice of something similar in A.D. 1684, in the imperial camp near Goa, when five hundred victims daily fell its prey. Mewar was not free from the last visitation of 1818, and the only son of the Rana was the first person attacked.
1 The three months of rain, termed the Barsat. [Asarh is the month June to July, followed by Sawan and Bhadon.] 2 The four castes, sacerdotal, mihtary, mercantile, and servile. 3 From the Eaj Vilas, the chronicle of the reign of Raj Singh. Such is the simple yet terrific record of this pestilence, from which Mewar was hardly freed, when Aurangzeb commenced the religious warfare narrated, with all its atrocities, still further to devastate this fair region. But a just retribution resulted from this disregard to the character and prejudices of the Rajputs, which visited the emperor with shame, and his successors with the overthrow of their power.
