Lingayat: Deccan
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Lingāyat Sect
From The Tribes And Castes Of The Central Provinces Of India
By R. V. Russell
Of The Indian Civil Service
Superintendent Of Ethnography, Central Provinces
Assisted By Rai Bahadur Hira Lal, Extra Assistant Commissioner
Macmillan And Co., Limited, London, 1916.
NOTE 1: The 'Central Provinces' have since been renamed Madhya Pradesh.
NOTE 2: While reading please keep in mind that all articles in this series have been scanned from the original book. Therefore, footnotes have got inserted into the main text of the article, interrupting the flow. Readers who spot these footnotes gone astray might like to shift them to their correct place.
A sect devoted to the worship of Siva which has developed into a caste. The Lingāyat sect is supposed1 to have been founded in the twelfth century by one Bāsava, a Brāhman minister of the king of the Carnatic. He preached the equality of all men and of women also by birth, and the equal treatment of all. Women were to be treated with the same respect as men, and any neglect or incivility to a woman would be an insult to the god whose image she wore and with whom she was one. Caste distinctions were the invention of Brāhmans and consequently unworthy of acceptance. The Madras Census Report2 of 1871 further states that Bāsava preached the immortality of the soul, and mentions a theory that some of the traditions concerning him might have been borrowed from the legends of the Syrian Christians, who had obtained a settlement in Madras at a period not later than the seventh century. The founder of the sect thus took as his fundamental tenet the abolition of caste, but, as is usual in the history of similar movements, the ultimate result has been that the Lingāyats have themselves become a caste.
In Bombay they have two main divisions, Mr. Enthoven states:3 the Panchamsālis or descendants of the original converts from Brāhmanism and the non-Panchamsālis or later converts. The latter are further subdivided into a number of groups, apparently endogamous. Converts of each caste becoming Lingāyats form a separate group of their own, as Ahīr Lingāyats, Bania Lingāyats and so on, severing their connection with the parent caste. A third division consists of members of unclean castes attached to the Lingāyat community by reason of performing to it menial service. A marked tendency has recently been displayed by the community in Bombay to revert to the original Brāhmanic configuration of society, from which its founder sought to [245]free it. On the occasion of the census a complete scheme was supplied to the authorities professing to show the division of the Lingāyats into the four groups of Brāhman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sūdra.
In the Central Provinces Lingāyats were not shown as a separate caste, and the only return of members of the sect is from the Bania caste, whose subcastes were abstracted. Lingāyat was recorded as a subcaste by 8000 Banias, and these form a separate endogamous group. But members of other castes as Gaolis, Mālis, Patwas and the Telugu Balijas are also Lingāyats and marry among themselves. A child becomes a Lingāyat by being invested with the lingam or phallic sign of Siva, seven days after its birth, by the Jangam priest. This is afterwards carried round the neck in a small casket of silver, brass or wood throughout life, and is buried with the corpse at death. The corpse of a Lingāyat cannot be burnt because it must not be separated from the lingam, as this is considered to be the incarnation of Siva and must not be destroyed in the fire. If it is lost the owner must be invested with a fresh one by the Jangam in the presence of the caste.
It is worshipped three times a day, being washed in the morning with the ashes of cowdung cakes, while in the afternoon leaves of the bel tree and food are offered to it. When a man is initiated as a Lingāyat in after-life, the Jangam invests him with the lingam, pours holy water on to his head and mutters in his ear the sacred text, ‘Aham so aham,’ or ‘I and you are now one and the same.’ The Lingāyats are strict vegetarians, and will not expose their drinking water to the sun, as they think that by doing this insects would be bred in it and that by subsequently swallowing them they would be guilty of the destruction of life. They are careful to leave no remains of a meal uneaten. Their own priests, the Jangams, officiate at their weddings, and after the conclusion of the ceremony the bride and bridegroom break raw cakes of pulse placed on the other’s back, the bride with her foot and the bridegroom with his fist. Widow-marriage is allowed. The dead are buried in a sitting posture with their faces turned towards the east. Water sanctified by the Jangam having dipped his toe into it is placed in the [246]mouth of the corpse.
The Jangam presses down the earth over the grave and then stands on it and refuses to come off until he is paid a sum of money varying with the means of the man, the minimum payment being Rs. 1–4. In some cases a platform with an image of Mahādeo is made over the grave. When meeting each other the Lingāyats give the salutation Sharnāt, or, ‘I prostrate myself before you.’ They address the Jangam as Mahārāj and touch his feet with their head. The Lingāyat Banias of the Central Provinces usually belong to Madras and speak Telugu in their houses. As they deny the authority of Brāhmans, the latter have naturally a great antipathy for them, and make various statements to their discredit. One of these is that after a death the Lingāyats have a feast, and, setting up the corpse in the centre, arrange themselves round it and eat their food. But this is not authenticated. Similarly the Abbe Dubois stated:4 “They do not recognise the laws relating to defilement which are generally accepted by other castes, such, for instance, as those occasioned by a woman’s periodical ailments, and by the death and funeral of relations. Their indifference to all such prescriptive customs relating to defilement and cleanliness has given rise to a Hindu proverb which says, ‘There is no river for a Lingāyat,’ meaning that the members of the sect do not recognise, at all events on many occasions, the virtues and merits of ablutions.” The same author also states that they entirely reject the doctrine of migration of souls, and that, in consequence of their peculiar views on this point, they have no tithis or anniversary festivals to commemorate the dead. A Lingāyat is no sooner buried than he is forgotten. In view of these remarks it must be held to be doubtful whether the Lingāyats have the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. [247]
1 Sherring, Hindu Castes and Tribes, iii. pp. 96, 123.
2 By Surgeon-Major Cornish.
3Bombay Census Report, 1901, pp. 181–183.
4Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, p. 117.
Lingayit
This section is an extract from THE CASTES AND TRIBES OF H. E. H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS BY SYED SIRAJ UL HASSAN Of Merton College, Oxford, Trinity College, Dublin, and Middle Temple, London. One of the Judges of H. E. H. the Nizam's High Court of Judicature : Lately Director of Public Instruction. BOMBAY THE TlMES PRESS 1920 Indpaedia is an archive. It neither agrees nor disagrees |
(Titles : Rao, Appa, Anna, Ayya, Acharya)
Lingayit, Virshaiva, Lingadhari, Lingawant, Linga Balija. Banjigaru, Wani, Guru Haslulu, Mahajan, Devadoru, Pasyandi (heretics by Brahmans) — a religious sect of Saivaits, deriving their name from the Imgam, or the phallic emblem of the god Siva, a model of which, in stone or gold, they enclose in caskets of gold or silver, and wear on their bodies, either fastened to the left arm or suspended from the neck. They are very numerous in the Carnatic Districts of Gulbarga and Raichur, and from this centre appear to have spread all over the Dominions.
History and 'Origin
The sect was founded during the 12th century A. D. by a Brahman named Basava, whose life has been recorded in the BasaVa Pmana, the religious book of the Lingayits. According to this account, Basava was the incarnation of Nandi, the vehicle of the god Siva, who, on hearing from the sage Nanda that the Saiva faith was on the decline on the earth, took birth as the son of a Saiva Brahman named Madiraja and his wife Madamba (Mahamba), inhabitants of Hinguleshwar situated to the west of Shri Shailya. The child was named Basava (bull) after one of the designations of Nandi. On attaining the age of investiture, he refused to assume the sacred thread, because the initiatory rites required the adoration of the sun. Being persecuted by Brahmans for this irreligious act, he, with his sister Nagamba, fled to Kalyani, the capital of a Jain prince, Bijjal Raja of the Chalukya dynasty, and obtained, in marriage, Gangamba, the daughter of Baldeva, the Raja's minister. On his father-in-law's death, Basava succeeded him in the office of Prime Minister. He had great influence over the king, to whom he is said to have lent his sister. Thus secure in power and fame, he began to preach openly the doctrines of the Virashaiva faith, in which he was initiated by Sangameshwaram Swami, and under his untiring zeal the new faith began to spread rapidly. As the creed inculcated equality of men, great numbers from all castes joined him and king Bijjal was at last aroused to the sense of danger. But his attempt to repress the movement drove Basavas adherents to desperation, and he was assassi- nated by a fanatic, named Jagadev, in' open court. Basava, upon this, removed to Sangameshwar, where he is, said to have disappeared at a Siva Lingam temple standing on the Kapila confluence of the Krishna and the Malaprabha. The sect was afterwards extended, by his sister's son, Channa Basava, who is popularly regarded as the real founder of the creed.
The Basava Puran records marvellous anecdotes regarding Basava and his disciples, such as converting grains of corn into pearls, feeding multitudes, healing the sick and restoring the dead to life.
The first disciples made by Basava were called Pramad Ganas. They were from all castes and of both sexes ; thus, Kinnuri Brah- mayya was a goldsmith, Bachi Rajayya a carpenter, BeyJihori Brah- mayya a cowherd, Madiwal Machayya a washerman, Gundayya a potter, Harlayya a shoe-maker, Kakayya a Dhor, Kotayya a Burud, Nulka Chandaya a Mang, Sooli Cholakka a concubine (courtesan ?), and several others. The views expounded by Basava were to change the worship of Siva. The linga, as the emblem of Siva, was always to be worn on the person and called jangam linga (the locomotive or moving lingam) in contradistinction to the sthdvara linga (the stationary lingam) set up in the Saiva temples. He inculcated the doctrine of equality of men, that man is the living temple of the deity, that women should be protected and permitted to teach the doctrines of the creed, unchastity alone causing them to forfeit their claims to respect. His principles do not reverence Brahmans, nor acknowledge the Vedas, nor recognise caste distinctions, and they deny polytheism and the inferiority of women.
History of Linga Worship
The worship of a deity in the form of Linga, was not, however, originated by Basava. Linga- worship had prevailed, long before his time, not only in India but also in several other countries. It is the main purport of the Skftnia, Saiva and Linga Purmas and references to it may be found in almost all the other Purmas. The idol destroyed by Mahmud of Ghazni, is said to have been a Linga. It was a block of stone, four or five cubits long and of proportionate thickness. ' Trilingam ' is said to be the source of the name ' Telinga ' and ' Telingana ', the country extending from the north of Madras to Ganjam, and west to Bellary and Bidar.
"The lingam is "the Priapus of the Romans, and the phallic emblem of the Gseeks. The Egyptians, Greeks and Romans had temples dedicated to Priapus, under the same forjn as that of the lingam. The Israelites worshipped the same figure, and erected statues to it."
"Scripture (I King's XV, 13) informs us that Asa, son of Rehoboam, prevented his mother Maachah from sacrificing to Priapus, whose image he broke. The Jews caused themselves to be initiated into the mysteries of Belphegor (Baal-peor ?), a divinity like the lingam, whon; the Moabites sind Midianites worshipped on Mount Phegot; E<nd which worship, in all appearance, they received from the Egyptians. When Judah did evil in the sight of the Lord, and built them high places, and images, and groves, on every high hill and under every tree, the object was Baal, and the pillar, the lingam, was his symbol. It was on his altar that they burned incense, and sacrificed unto the calf on the fifteenfli day of the month, the sacred monthly period, the amavas of the Hindus. The calf of Israel seems the bull Nandi of Iswara, the Apis of the Egyptian Osiris. According to Colonel Tod, the lingam is identical with the Arabic idol Lat or Alhat. The worship reached France, doubtless with the Romans, and the figure of the lingam is still to be seen on the lintel which surrounds the Circus at Nismes, as well as on the front of some of their ancient churches, particularly on that of the Cathedral of Toulouse, and on some churches at Bourdeaux. Plutarch says thai the Egyptian god Osiris was found everywhere with the priapus exposed."
" Linga-worship was conducted in Phoenicia (the Canaan of Scripture) in its worst aspect. According to Lucian ( De Syria Dea"), after the return of Bacchus, he placed the two colossal phalli, each 300 fathoms high (?) in the vestibule o( the great Syrian temple. In the great Bacchic pomp, celebrated by Ptolemy of Alexandria, we read (" Athenaeus ", lib. V.) of a Golden Phallus, 120 cubits high."
" There can be no doubt but that the god Baal, whose votaries the Hebrews frequently became, is identical with the lingam, and the god styled ' Chiun ' in Amos V. is Si^a, whose name the races dwelling along the valley of the Indus pronounce Chivin and Swin. Yet there is nothing to show which race brought the Linga-worship to India and at what date. It seems, however, to have been inkio- duced about the beginning of the Christian era, from the beisin of the Lower Indus through Rajputana, and to have displaced the nature worship of the Vedas." (Balfour's " Cyclopaedia of India ", pp. 716, 717).
Internal Structure
The aim of Basava seems to have been to abolish caste and polytheism, and altliough he succeeded in forming a community composed of all grades and castes, yet social distinctions asserted themselves soon after his death, and the,Lingayit community is gradually drifting into a caste with its endogamous and hypergamous divisions. The Districts of Sholapur, Bijapur and Dharwad have formed the centre from which the movement is spreading into these Dominions. Owing, probably, to this tendency of the community to develop itself into castes and sub-castes based upon social distinctions, its internal structure is very complex. The Lingayits may be divided into four main groups. First, Jangams, who are the priests to the community. The second group comprises those who were the first converts to Lingayitism, and, in course of time, closed their ranks to new comers. These at present represent the Lingayits proper and form the bulk of the community. They are known as Linga Balijas in Telingana, and Lingawant Vanis in Maharashtra, while in the Camatic they have assumed the name Vira Shaivas. The third is composed of later converts, who were chiefly recruited from occupational castes, such as Ganglas or Telis, Ausalas or Sonars, Kumbhars, Sales or Koshtis and many others. They have dissociated themselves from their parent castes and formed separate endogamous sub-castes of their own. The fourth includes members of the lowest unclean classes, such as Mala Jangams and Madiga Jangams, who, though converted to the sect, are destined to remain as impure as before.
Jangams.— Mahishaiva, Virshaiva Brahman, Aprdkrata Brahman. Ayyanoru, Gdngalu. the priests of the Lingayit sect, who officiate at their religious rites. The word ' Jangam " means ' motion ' in Sanskrit and is applied to» these priests, who are regarded as being the living symbols of the god Siva. Under the recent development of the Vir Shaiva caste, they called themselves Vir Shaiva Brahmans, claijping, like Brahmans, social predominance over the rest of the community, and are dignified with the Brahmanical titles. Acharya, Swami, Murti, Pandit and Shastri. The Jangams have four divi- sions : (1) Mathpati, (2) Sthawara, (3) Ganachari and (4) Madpati. The Mathpatis (heads of monasteries) are further sub-divided into (1) Pata, (2) Chara and (3) Madwaya.
The Pata Jangams include those who lead a celibate life, claiming to have renounced the world, or overcome its passions. Unlike th^ Chara Jangams, they live in maths or monasteries, and pass their days in meditation and prayers and in the regular worship of the lingam. The Chara are also celibate monks and are so called because they lead an erratic life, wandering from place to place, and subsisting on alms. Both these are highly venerated by the Lingayit community. The Madwaya Jangams are householders and officiate as priests to the lower Jangams. On abandoning life and its pleasures, and conforming to other requirements of an ascetic, they can become Pata or Chara Jangams. (2) The Sthawaras, as their name indicates, are stationary Jangams (householders) or those who cling to the world and its pleasures. They serve as priests to the laity.
The Ganachari Jangams are householders like the Sthawaras, but. unlike them, wander from village to village acting as priests to the laity and collecting alms. They act as disciples to the Patta- dhyaksha (Palachar), and Chara Murti Jangams, and carry out the orders given by the latter. The Madapatis officiate at the funerals of the Lingayit community and lower Hindu castes.
Corresponding to the Sanyasis of the Brahmans, the Jangams have an order of religious mendicants, known as Virakta Murti Jangams, who practise rigid asceticism, and command the highest veneration of the community.
The following sub-divisions of the Jangams have also been given : —
(1) Virakta Murti.
(2) Patatara Devarachara Murti. .
(3) AtitachAra Murti.
(4) Gurusthala Chara Murti.
(5) Deshikachara Murti.
(6) Dhanalinga Chara Murti.
These may be different local names of the groups mentioned above.
The different orders of Jangams are distinguished from each other by their peculiar modes of mendicancy. The Virakta Murti Jangams collect alms in ochre-coloured head gear, wearing necklaces of rudraksha (ElcBocarpus Ganitms) about their necks and holding, in their left hands, a long stick (danda) to which is fastened the alms bag {jholi), from the upper end of which are suspended three large tassels, emblematic of Siva's killing ' Tripura ' or three cities. Immediately above the right knee they wear a string of three large brass bells. They proclaim bheir mission by repeating the words ■ Swayampakad Bhiksha ' (alms from self-cooked food). To this begging dress, the Gurusthala Murti Jangams add a large bell, tied on their begging stick, and announce their presence with the words, ' Guru Dharma Koranna Bhiksha ' (alms in the name of guru and Dharma). The Sansari Jangams beg only with an alms bag, a conch and a bell, and pronounce the words ' Guru Dharma Swayaimpakada Bhiksha ' or alms from self-cooked food in the name of guru and Dharma. The Jangams beg oil and salt only on Thursdays. They stand in hypergamous relation to the Lingayits proper, or the ordinary Balijas or Vir Shaivas. In other words, they take the daughters of the Balijas in marriage, but do not give their own daughters in return. On this occasion, the girl is required to undergo Diksha, or initiatory rites.
Some of the village Jangams are found too illiterate to under- stand the principles of their faith, and poorly discharge their functions as priests. At such places, the services of local Brahmans are frequently 'in request, a fact which illustrates how the community is gradually reverting to Brahmanisra.
Balijas.— These are the Lingayits proper and are called Vir Shaivas (urra— warrior) probably because they were the warriors who exterminated, or carried on a prolonged contest with, the Jain and Shri Vaishanava faiths. .They are also known as Balijas, the origin of which is obscure. They have three hypergamous divisions : Silwant, Dikshawant and Raswat ; the Silwants take daughters in marriage from the two lower groups but do not give their own daughters in return ; so also with the Dikshawants. The Silwants are extremely bigoted in their views and punctilious in their religious observances. They scrupulously avoid drinking water exposed to the sun. The Raswats are privileged to become Dikshawants on under- going Diksha, or the required initiation, cind a further performance of initiatory rites enrolls them among the Silwant, the highest of the Balija community. It is even said that a Raswat, who stands at the lowest rung of their social ladder, can attain the coveted position of a Pata or Chara Jangam, by performing at each stage a Diksha (religious ceremony), and by observing the rigid ceremonial ordained for the stage.
Occupational Lingayit Groups
These, as stated above, comprise endogamous divisions, recruited from the functional castes of Hindu society. They remain aloof from the parent castes, being guided, entirely, in their religious and ceremonial observances, by Jangams, who are their priests and take food in their houses. Some of these divisions merit a brief description.
Lingayit Gowlis. — These were originally recruited from among the Maratha Gowlis. Although they have embraced the LingayiS creed, they still cling to some of their original customs. They govern their marriages by family surnames, observe mourning for the dead and regard their women as being ceremonially unclean during the menstrual period or in child-birth. They call in Brahmans and Jangams at their marriage ceremony and worship Tulja Bhavani along with their sectarian deity Mahadeo. On the other hand, unlike their original caste brethren, they give Linkayit diksha to their children, weM lingams on their persons, abstain from liquor and flesh and do not eat food cooked even by a Braliman. Jangams alone officiate at their funeral ceremonies.
Lingayit Kumbhars. — The Lingayit Kumbhars, although pro- fessing to be Lingayits, have not entirely shaken off their old beliefs. Like the Lingayit Gowlis, they employ both Brahmans and Jangams at their marriages, mourn their dead, and regard their women as being ceremonially impure in child-birth smd , during the menstrual period, usages not sanctioned by their adopted sect. They have such divisions as Dikshawant and Silwant, but intermarriages betvi'fen them and the Lingayits proper are not allowed. They are very numerous in the Karnatic, but are also found, in small numbers, in the Mcirathawada and Telgu Districts.
Lingayit Telis. — The Lingayit Telis are converts to Lingayitism from the Teli caste. They are known as Gandlas in Telingana, Telis in Maharashtra, and Ganigstfu or Kari Ganigaru in the Karnatic. They have hypergamous divisions, Silwant, Dikshawant and Raswat, modelled on the type prevalent among the Lingayits proper, with whom, however, they are allowed neither to eat nor to intermarry. Their intermarriages are regulated by the same rule of exogamy as practised by the Lingayits proper. Occasionally they show respect to Brahmans. They have been already described under the Gandla caste.
Lingayit Simpis. — The Lingayit Simpis (tailors) comprise two followers of Kinnuri Brahmayya, the first goldsmith disciple of Basava. Their rites and ceremonies closely correspond with those of the Jangams. There are also Lingayit Panchals including the five artisan classes, as mentioned and described in the report on the Panchdayi caste.
Lingayit Simpis. — The Lingayit Simpis (tailors) comprise two endogamous divisions : (1) Nagleek Simpi and (2) Siva Simpi. The Nagleek Simpis sure mostly found in the Talukas of Shorapur, Shahapur, Pargi, Andol and Gulbarga, ' and claim descent from Godand Bhat, a Brahman, and his wife Domava, who were among the disciples of Basava. It may be that the adoption of tailoring, as their occupation, has separated them from the main Lingayit community. The Siva Slmpis are all Dikshawants. Most of them are cloth merchants, and have the title ' Chetti,' attached to their names. Both Nagleek and Siva Simpis are staunch followers of the Vir Saiva sect, and are regulated, in their religious and ceremonial observances, by the laws laid down for Jangams.
Phularis. — The Phularis are Lingayits who are recruited from among the Gurava caste of Maharashtra and the Tamdi caste of Telingana. They are not such warm and bigoted Lingayits as other proselytes are and stHl cling to some of the customs and usages of their parent caste. They wear both the sacred thread and the
Lmgayit Koshtis. — The Lingayit Koshtis (weavers) are called Hatkars, who, before their conversion, probably belonged to the Devanga caste ; for both worship Chaudamma as their tutelary goddess. Their ceremonial is a mixture of Brahmanic and Lingayit usages and rites, in which the latter preponderate.
Lmgayit Hajdms. — The Lingayit Hajams are divided into two hypergamous grpups, Silwant Hajams and ordinary Hajams. They appear ito adhere strictly to their creed and conduct all their cere- monies under the guidance of a Jangam.
Lingayit Dhobis.—The Lingayit Dhobis claim to be descended from the followers of Madiwal Machayya, the washerman disciple of Basava. They are already noticed under the Dhobi caste.
Karikuldawrus.— An agricultural caste found in the Kamatic. Very little is known regarding their origin and the etymology or the name they bear. They conform closely to the beliefs and ritual of the Lingayit sect. They are very scrupulous in their observances and extremely bigoted.
Lad Kunkmnwdles.—The Lad Kunkumwales, also called Kunkumwale Lads, or only Lads, profess to be originally Raswats. from whom they were separated by reason of their having adopted the profession of selling kunkum (red aniline powder). They bear the title 'Sirasat' of which the real significance is not known Although claiming to be Lingayits, they omit some of the essentia rituals of the sect, engage Brahmans for marriages, and worship all the gods of the Hindu pantheon. They follow several occupations. of which those of tamboli (betel-leaf vendor), chetti (cloth-dealer) want (grocer) and kunkunwale (vendor of kunkum) are, prominent. The last profession is said to have brought them into disgrace with their gums. Jangams do not take food with them, as they do with members of other professions.
Kursalis. — The Kursali group is composed of the off-spring of prostitutes, kept by members of the Vir Saiva conomunity. They follow the Jangam creed. They marry their daughters, both as adults and as infants, by meagre rites and pay a bride-price to the father of the girl varying from Rs. 50 to Rs. 100. The Kursalis as a caste still appear to be in an undeveloped stage, for they hSve no definite system of exogamy, and regulate their marriages simply by kinship. Their views regarding the observance of ceremonials are very lax.
Jyandras.. — The Jyandras, Jadras or Jarads (Canarese, ' great man ') are, like the Hatkars, recruited from the Devanga weavers. They have three endogamous divisions : Padsalgiri, Lingada Keri and Kurwale, the last one being regarded the lowest of the three. The first two eat together, but do not intermarry. Custom' ordains that the Kurwales should use only white objects. They must weave only white cloth and use white bullocks for riding and agricultural operations. The dog is taboo to the members of the sub-caste, that is to say a Kurwale should never keep a dog, nor injure nor kill it. They do not get their bullocks castrated, and it is on this account, it is said, that they are looked down upon by the other two sub- castes. For their wedding booths the Jyandras use pillars of pangm wood (Er^thrina indica) and make their wedding bracelets of white wool. It is this customary use of everything white that is probably carried to an excess by the Kurwales. It is very difficult to trace the origin of this singular custom.
In their belief, and customs the Jyandras are rigid Lingayits, and carefully observe the ceremonials and rites belonging to the sect. Their favourite object of worship is Vir Bhadra, whom they worship with great pomp once every year. They are engaged m weaving cotton and silk goods.
The castes, included in the fourth group, are the lowest unclean classes already referred to. They are only nominally Lingayits, being attached to the Lingayit community by reason of performing its menial services.
Exogamy—Mythologically, the Vishaivas claim to be descended from five Acharyas : Revana-aradhya, Marularadhya, Ekoramaradhya, Panditaradhya and Vishwaradhya, who sprang res- pectively from the five mouths of Siva, tiiz., Sadyojata, Wamadeva, Aghor, Tatpurusha and_ Ishanya. These Acharyas had their respec- tive gotras, or eponymous sections, viz., Vrishabha, Nandi, Bhrangi, Virbhadra and Skanda, each of which was further split up into twelve hhagis or sub-septs. The hhagi traces its origin to a single ancestor, who is regarded as its progenitor.
This well-defined system of sections, so ingenuously framed, was evidently adopted when the community was organised into the sect, and' forms the basis upon which the connubial arrangements of the enlightened and aristocratic members of the community rest. But the masses, who are too ignorant to understand its significance, regulate their maniages mostly by territorial sections, which are either the relics of the past, or were adopted in more recent times, owing to the circumstance of their having occupied a particular locality for long.
A man cannot meirry a girl of his own gotra even though she belongs to a different hhagi. He may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or paternal aunt. Two sisters may be married to the same man. The laity must marry within their own sub-caste, but Jangams can marry in all castes, even the Idiga, Mangala and Kummara castes, provided the latter are Lingayits, and have the privilege of admitting their priests lo the communion of food. Poly- gamy is permitted to any extent, theoretically. The Lingayits marry their daughters as infants, between the ages of 3 and 12, and social • stigma attaches to the parents of a girl who attains puberty before marriage. It is said that, generally, girls are first offered to Jangams, and it is only when they are not accepted, not being accompanied by a sufficiently liberal dowry, that they are manied to the members of the sub-caste.
Marriage
Marriages are arranged by the parents of the parties, the first step towards initiating proposals for marriage being taken by the parents or guardians of the bridegroom.. After the marriage is agreed upon, Nischaydrtha ceremony is performed, at which the bride receives presents of clothes and jewels from the bridegroom's party and the wedding day is fixed, after due consideration of the astrological data presented by the horoscopes of both the bride and bridegroom. A marriage pandal, consisting of twelve or sixteen pillars is erected, the milk (wedding) post being of umhar {Ficus glomerata), to which are fastened leaves of mango (Mangijera indica), palas (Butea jrondosa), and banyan (Ficus bengalensis). Raw cotton thread is bound around it smd a lamp is kept burning upon it. • The marriage ceremony extends over five days and comprises the follow- ing rites : —
On the first day, they invoke the family and tutelary deities, among which Virbhadra occupies a prominent position. The worship of Virbhadra deserves mention. Early in the morning, after the bride and the bridegroom have been smeared with turmeric paste and oil and bathed with warm water, a Mathapati Jangam (the head of a Jangam monastery) is called in to perform the worship of Virbhadra. The Jangam breaks an earthen pot horizontally into two equal portions, and forms a sort of pan of these two pieces by placing the lower portion of the pot into the inverted upper portion. In this pan he makes a fire and throws over it some gugula (the fragrant gum-resin of Balsamodendrom Muku^ until it bursts into fumes. His waist is girt round with a sari and a string of bells, and his breast adorned with images of Virbhadra. Holding the fire pan in the left hand and a sword in the right, he goes, in grand procession, to the temple of Virbhadra, dancing and flourishing the sword all the way and singing praises in honour of the deity. On arrival at the temple, he places the sword before the god, and worships him with offerings of flowers and cocoanuts. After the bridal pair, who accompany the procession, have made obeisance before the deity, camphor is burnt and cocoanut kernel is distributed to the assembly. The party then return. At the auspicious moment appointed for the wedding, the bridal pair are seated side by side, before panch-kalasha, or five brass pots full of water, with their mouths covered with cocoanuts and tlieir necks encottipassed cy raw cotton thread. The pots represent the primeval Panch Acharyas, and are placed upon a figure of an ass traced on the ground in flour mixed with hmkuma (red powder) and turmeric (yellow powder). With the help of the officiating Jangam priest, the bridal pair are made to worship the panch-kalasha. The cotton thread is then removed from the vessels and made into two bracelets, one of which is tied on the wrist of the 'bridegroom and the other on that of the bride, this ceremony being known as Karikanhandhcmam. The man- galsutra (auspicious string of glass beads) placed in a cocoanut shell is passed round to be touched and blessed by the assembly, whereupon the bridegroom ties it round the bride's neck. This is done in secret, no one except a Lingayit being allowed to witness the ceremony. Both Kankanbandhanam and Talibandhanam form the essential portion of the marriage ceremony. The rituals that follow, viz., Akikol, Kanyadan, Brahmamodi, Bhuma, Mirongi, Manitamba, Nagol Chagol, Panpu and the like, are of the usual orthodox type current among the higher Hindu castes of the Camatic and Telin- gana. The marriage ceremony of the Maratha Lingayits does not appear to differ materially from that in vogue among the higher Brahmanic castes, except, that 'Jangams where obtainable, are engaged as priests along with Brahmans, and that the Panch-kalasha Puja is performed just prior to the standard Brahmanic rites of Antarpat and Kanyadan.
Widow-Marriage
and Divorce ^A widow may marry again
by inferior ceremonies. She is not, however, required to marry her late husband's younger brother. The widow returns to the home of her parents, who take the initiative towards finding a suitable husband for her. If a widow becomes pregnant, she is called upon to declare the name of her lover and he is compelled to marry her. Usually, the parents of a widow receive a price for her from the bridegroom. A woman who is widowed seven times is regarded with extreme vene- ration by her sex and becomes the object of universal adoration among her community.
A faithless wife is turned out of the house without any ceremony. If a man ill-treats his wife, their maniage is dissolved, with the sanction of the caste Panchayat, and either party is at liberty to marry again. Divorced women are allowed to marry again by the same rites as widows. '
A good deal of sexual laxity prevails in the community, and men taking a fancy to other's wives run away with them and marry them after having divorced their own wives. A man having no issue marries a pregnant widow and, after she is delivered, claims the child as his own. .
Inheritance
In matters of succession the Lingayits have no rules of their own, but follow the Hindu law of inheritance.
Religion
The Virshaiva creed is comprised in three words ' Guru, Linga, Jangam.' This mystic phrase is thus expounded. Guru is one who breathes the five-syllabled sacred mantra (formula), Namah Sivaya (bow to Siva) into the ear ; Lingam is Siva, and Jangam is the wearer of the emblem, or the living symbol of the deity.
The gum is an essential factor of the Lingayit faith, for no one is entitled to be a Virshaiva, unless he is invested with the sacred Siva Mantra by a guru, who is a Jangam of the highest order, represent- ing one of the five primeval great Acharyas. In the estimation of his disciples, this spiritual adviser becomes a god, and is given the highest reverence accorded to any mortal.
The lingam is a smooth, white stone, shaped like a spoon, which every Virshaiva is enjoined to wear on his body and if, by accident, he loses it he is required to undergo expiatory rites and be reinvested with it. This lingam is called Jangam Lingam (locomotive) as distin- guished from Sthdwar Lingam (stationary) of the Shaivas, which is a round conical stone rising perpendicularly out of an oval-shaped rim cut in a stone platform. The oval rim represents the yoni, the symbol of the female energy, as lingam is that of the male. The Virshaivas direct their worship only to the male form, while the objects of reverence of the Saivas are both the male (lingam) and the female (ponr) Jorms. Jangams, as living symbols of Siva, are entitled to their highest respect. These three form the basis upon which the whole structure of the Lingayit faith is reared. Every Ligayit is required to undergo diksha, initiatory rites, which consist oi Ashtaoidhdrchana, or eight-fold sacraments, viz.,
Virbhadra and Basava'(the bull of Siva) are the patron gods of
the community, worshipped every Monday with various offerings.
Females honour Kedari Gauramma in the month of Kartika. Allam
Prabhu, and other saints are also duly reverenced. The Virakta
Jangams pass their days in reading their sacred book, BasaVa Parana,
and in telling beads, continually repeating the sacred mantra.
Every Lingayit is enjoined to smear his forehead with vibhuti (ashes), and not to touch food without offering puja to his lingam. Pochamma, Mariamma, Mutyalamma and other minor deities have the same hold upon the members of this caste as upon those of other Brahmanic cgstes, and are appeased in various ways. The sectarian rigidity of the Lingayits is now breaking down, and there are instances showing that some of the Virshaivas have taken to the worship of Vishnu and other gods of the Hindu pantheon.
Child-Birth
When a child is born, a Mathadipati Jangam is sent for. A spot of ground is purified by the sprinkling of cow's urine over it, and smeared afterwards with cowdung. It is then decked with designs traced in five colours, and over it five metal vessels are arranged in a quincunx, the middle one being placed on a heap of wheat or jawari. The vessels are filled with water and covered with mango leaves. A fine-spun cotton thread is wound round them. The gum is seated, facing the east, on a white blanket spread before the vessels. The mother and child are purified by the sprinkling of water, in which the Jangam's feet have been washed. After the gum has been duly worshipped by the father, the child is brought out, and the gum Jangam binds the lingam on its person, besmears it with vibhuti (ashes), puts a garland of mdraksha (Elaocarpus Ganitrus) round its neck, breathes into its ear the mystic mantra of ' Om Namah Shivaya and presents the child to the god Siva, in the person of a Jangam priest who is his representative. Lastly tirtha (water in which the guru's feet have been washed), and Prasad (the leavings of the guru) are given to the child ; these effect its conversion to the Lingayit sect.
Lingayit women in child-birth or during the menstrual, are not regarded as impure, but on taking the tirtha of their guru are allowed to take part in household affairs.
Disposal of the Dead
The dead are buried in a sitting posture, with the face pointing to the north. . When a person is on the point of death, the relatives call in a Jangam who smears the dying man's body with cibhuti, ties strings of rudra\sha rountj his neck and wrist and gives him pddodaka (tirtha) to drink and prasdd to eat. After this, Jangams are fed in his name. If, after the perform- ance of these rites, the man recovers, it is enjoined that he must be banished from his house and compelled to lead a wandering life. But, in practice, these injunctions are rarely followed. When life becomes extinct, the body is washed and made to assume a sitting attitude, with the legs crossed, and the officiating Jangam places his left foot on the right thigh of the corpse. Food is prepared and all the Jangams are feasted. The members of the household partake of the meal after it Eas been offered to the dead person. The body is borne on the shoulders of relatives and friends to the burial ground in a viman, or bamboo car, adorned with plantain stems and flags. The procession is attended with music and tom-toms and is led by a man of the Salwadi or Lingayit Mala caste, who blows a conch and rings a large bell all the way. The grave is dug with three steps on one side and with a niche cut in the other side, large enough to receive the corpse. The corpse is lowered and seated In the niche facing the north. The lingam, which he wore, together with bel {Mgle Marmelos) leaves and vihhuti (sacred ashes), is placed in the left hand and covered by the right. Three bel leaves are impressed with the mystic mantra ; one of them is placed on the head of the corpse, the other on its shoulder and the third under its feet. Salt is placed on the head and the grave is filled In. On the third day after death four nandis made of clay are placed on the four comers of the grave, and a lingam in the middle of it. Food is offered at the grave and then eaten by the members of the family. No Sradha is performed in the name of the deceased. The anniversary day is celebrated by' feasting Jangams.
Social Status
Among themselves, the Lingayits have formed so many different groups that it is not easy to define their social status. As a rule, it is observed that when a portion of a caste is converted to Lingayitism it occupies a social rank higher than the original caste. As for instance, the Hatkars occupy a higher social rank than the Dewangas from whom they are recruited, and the rule extends to all the castes. This is doubtless due to the fact that the proselytes are compelled to abstain from flesh and liquor, which raises them in social estimation. The Virshaivas, or Linga Balijas as they are called in Telingana, rank higher than the Kapus and other castes of the same social stemding.
Occupation
The Lingayits, or Linga Balijas, or Lingawant Vanis, are engaged in some form of trade or another, for instance, they are shopkeepers, cloth-merchants, grain-dealers and bankers and a few of them have acquired great riches and are regarded as the wealthiest portion of the community. Some have lately entered Government service and are also members of learned professions. But the majority of the Virsaivas are agriculturists, being especially skilful in rearing the delicate betel-vine and other garden produce. They are both occupancy and non-occupany raiats and landless day labourers. In some places they are headmen of villages and substan- tial tenure holders. A small proportion of them are also cart drivers, cattle breeders and confectioners. In short, they pursue every occupa- tion that is not likely to lower them in social estimation.
Unlike the Brahmanic castes, the Lingayits have no tuft of hair on their crowns, but either get their heads clean shaven or keep them all covered with hair. Their word of salutation to each other is ' Sharanat Appa ' and their conespondence usually begins with 'Shri Guruhasta Janita Ashtawama Panchacharya.
