Kuki-Meitei relations

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Swidden farming: Kuki villages splinter and proliferate

Pradip Phanjoubam/ The Indian Express / Kuki-Meitei violence in Manipur: The wounds of history/ May 6, 2023


For some time now, two parallel and provocative narratives in the portrayal of Manipur history were being pushed from certain quarters. The first and more recent is that Kukis are illegal migrants. This at best is a half-truth. This narrative is often taken advantage of by rivals to humiliate the Kukis as “refugees” etc., and it is imaginable the latent anger from this would have made Kukis ultrasensitive.

It is true that a peculiar land-holding tradition amongst Kukis, coupled with unstable subsistence swidden farming, which cannot support large populations, has meant a tendency for Kuki villages to periodically splinter and proliferate. Kuki villages are owned by chiefs who established them, not the villagers, therefore adding to this proliferation tendency, with the chief’s male children, as well as capable villagers, often parting to establish their own villages. This often brings them into conflict with their neighbours in the hills, the Nagas.

In recent times, other than social media trolls, even government authorities, using insinuation, have used this to humiliate Kukis. The sensitivity has come to be such that even normal policies such as eviction from reserved forests, or the fight against poppy plantations, have come to be seen as targeting Kukis, adding to their hurt.

Then on March 10,2023, in an arbitrary move, the state cabinet took the decision to pull out of a tripartite Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with two Kuki militant groups, KNA and ZRA, from among the 24 who had signed this agreement, again implying they were party to encroachments into forests for poppy plantations etc. Since SOO is a tripartite truce including the Union government, it is unlikely this rash decision will be okayed, but the additional hurt that the Kukis would have felt is clear.

The other party in this spell of violence, Meiteis, too have been on the receiving end of a peculiar turn of history since colonial days putting them in an unenviable corner. In 1891, after its defeat, the British banished the ruling dynasty and installed Churachand as ruler, a young prince from another dynasty. Churachand was still a minor and the British sent him off to Mayo College for education.

Churachand was crowned upon his return in 1907 but the British also brought in their tried and tested land revenue administrative mechanism from Assam whereby revenue plains were separated from the non-revenue hills by drawing an Inner Line at the base of the hills. In the same pattern, the central Imphal valley, the traditional home of Meiteis, thus came to be separated from the hills surrounding it. Again, while the plains were to be administered by the Maharaja, the hills were kept under the President of the Manipur State Durbar (PMSD), a British officer — the same way that the hills beyond the Inner Line in Assam were kept under the Governor, and not the legislature.

Amongst the administrative measures the PMSD undertook in Manipur hills was the creation of reserved forests of several uninhabited mountain stretches. These reserved forests were continued by a decision of the then Union Territory government after Manipur became part of India in 1949. The current controversy over forest encroachments has this antecedent. But the animus has since transformed into a tribal-nontribal conflict.

The Meiteis now find themselves restricted in the central valley forming 10 per cent of the land area of the state. Over 60 per cent of the state’s population lives here. The hills which form 90 per cent of the state are out of bounds for them and only 40 per cent of the population live here. The growing sense of siege amongst Meiteis has this basis. Like the Kuki being mocked, Meiteis are also often provoked by some Kuki scholars in their writings that their kingdom of old was only 700 sq miles. The reason cited for the demand for ST inclusion of Meiteis also has this insecurity of their becoming marginalised in their own home ground.

The writer is editor, Imphal Review of Arts and Politics

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