Revision as of 18:49, 8 June 2014

This article has been extracted from THE IMPERIAL GAZETTEER OF INDIA , 1908. OXFORD, AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.

Note: National, provincial and district boundaries have changed considerably since 1908. Typically, old states, ‘divisions’ and districts have been broken into smaller units, and many tahsils upgraded to districts. Some units have since been renamed. Therefore, this article is being posted mainly for its historical value.

Bengal

(more precisely designated. Lower Bengal). — The largest 1 The arlicle was written before the changes were carried out which constituted the new Province of EASTERN Bengaland Assam. These were determined upon to lighten the excessive burden imposed upon the Government of Bengal by the increase of population, the expansion of commercial and industrial enterprise, and the growing complexity of all branches of administration. The Province had hitherto comprised an area of nearly 190,000 square miles, with a population of over 78 millions, and a gross revenue amounting to more than 1100 lakhs. In these circum- stances, the relief of the Bengal Government had become an administrative necessity, and it was decided that it could be afforded only by actual trnnsference of territory and not by organic changes in the form of government. Accordingly, on October 16, 1905, the Divisions of Dacca, Chittagong, and Rajshahi (except Darjeeling), the District of Malda, and the State of Hill Tippera were transferred to the newly formed Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, the area under tlie jurisdiction of the Bengal Government being thus reduced by 50,000 square miles and its population by

VOL. VII. O and most populous Province in India. It lies between 19° 18' and 28° 15' N. and betAveen 82° and 97° E., and contains four large sub- provinces, Bengal proper, Bihar, Chota Nagpur, and Orissa. The two former comprise the lower plains and deltas of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra. Chota Nagpur is a rugged tract and jungle, broken by deep ravines and river valleys. The greater part of Orissa belongs to the same formation as Chota Nagpur ; but along the coast there is a narrow belt of alluvium, formed from the silt deposited by the rivers, which drain the hills as they find their sluggish way to the sea.

The Province is bounded on the north by Nepal and Tibet, and by the mighty chain of the Himalayas ; on the east by Assam and the continuation of the range of hills which divides Assam from Burma ; on the south by the Bay of Bengal and Madras ; and on the west by the United and the Central Provinces.

The whole Province forms a Lieutenant-Governorship with an area ' of 196,408 square miles, of which 84,728 square miles are included in Bengal proper, 44,259 in Bihar, 24,306 in Orissa, and 43,115 in Chota Nagpur. These figures include an unsurveyed tract of swamp and jungle on the fringe of the delta, the extent of which is about 6,600 square miles. Of the total area, 157,796 square miles are British territory, while 38,612 square miles lie in the Native States attached to Bengal : namely, Cooch Behar, Sikkim, Hill Tippera*, and the Tributary States of Orissa and Chota Nagpur.

According to Hindu legend, king Bali of the Lunar race had five sons, begotten for him on his queen Sudeshna by the Rishi Dirghatamas : namely, Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Pundra, and Suhma. Each of these sons founded a kingdom that was named after him. Vanga ^ or Banga is said to have occupied the deltaic tract south of the Padma, lying between the Bhagirathi and the old course of the

25,000,000. The five Hindi-spenking Native States of Jashpur, .Suiguja, Udaipur, Korea, and Chang Bhakar were at the same time transferred to the Central Provinces ; while the District of Sambalpur with the exception of two za/iiTiiJdris, and also the Oriya-speaking States of Patna, Kalahandi or KarQnd, Sonpur, Bamra, and Rairakhol in the Central Provinces, were attached to Bengal. The result of these transfers of territory is that the Province as now constituted comprises an area of 148,592 square miles, with a population of 54,662,529 persons. In order to show the effect of this change in the constitution of the Province, footnotes have been added, wherever possible, giving statistics for the new area ; and the States, Divisions, Districts, and towns transferred from Bengal have been indicated by asterisks.

^ Of the total area of 148,592 square miles now included in Bengal, 35,576 square miles are in Bengal proper (including 5,700 square miles in the Sundarbans", 43 524 square miles are in Bihar, 41,789 in Orissa, and 27,703 in Chota Nagpur. Altogether, 115,819 square miles are British territory and 32,773 square miles are Native States.

The word Vanga first appears as the name of a country in the Aitareya Aranyaka (2-1-1), where its inhabitants are represented as eaters of indiscriminate food, and as progenitors of many children. Brahmaputra, and to have been conquered by the Pandava Bhim and also by Raghu. The inhabitants of this region are described in the Raghubansa as hving in boats, and as growing transplanted rice for their staple crop. In the time of Ballal Sen the tract immediately to the east of the Bhagirathi was called Bagri, and Banga occupied the eastern portion of the delta. The tract west of the Bhagirathi was known as Rarh, which in Prakrit was softened to Lala. Possibly Bengal or Bangala is a combination of Banga Lala, and, in any case, there can be no doubt that the word is connected with the ancient Vanga. During the period of Muhammadan rule the term was applied specifically to the whole delta, but later conquests to the east of the Brahmaputra and north of the Padma were eventually included in it.

Under the British the name has at different times borne very different significations. All the north-eastern factories of the East India Company, from Balasore on the Orissa coast to Patna in the heart of Bihar, belonged to the ' Bengal Establishment,' and as its conquests crept higher up the rivers, the term continued to be the designation of the whole of its possessions in Northern India. From the time of Warren Hastings to that of Lord William Bentinck, the official style of the Governor-General was ' Governor-General of Fort William in Bengal.' In 1836, when the Upper Provinces were formed into a separate administration, they were designated the North-Western Provinces, in contradistinction to the Lower Provinces ; and although they, as well as Oudh, the Punjab, the Central Provinces, and Burma, were sometimes loosely regarded as forming the Bengal Presidency, the word was ordinarily used in this sense only for military purposes, to denote the sphere of the old army of Bengal, as distinguished from those of Bombay and Madras. In its ordinary acceptation, the term now covers only the jurisdiction of the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. The term ' Bengal proper ' has a still more restricted meaning, and indicates, roughly speaking, the country east of the Bhagirathi and Mahananda, where the prevalent language is Bengali.

Physical aspects

Bengal contains tracts of very different physical features, including the alluvial plains of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra, and the deltas of those rivers, which form the greater part of Bihar and Bengal proper ; the crystalline plateau asnect of Chota Nagpur, including the Tributary States of Orissa, and the hills stretching to the Ganges at Rajmahal ; the narrow strip of alluvium comprising Orissa ; and lastly, a small portion of the sub-Himalayas, the Sikkim State, and a tract which once be- longed to Sikkim but now forms the main part of Darjeeling District.

It is thought that there was formerly a continuous chain connecting the Rajmahal range with the remains of the ' peninsular system,' still in existence in Assam, and that their subsidence was due to the same disturbances that resulted in the elevation of the Himalayas. The hollow thus formed has been filled in by the fluvial deposits of the Himalayan rivers ; but the gradual raising of the surface has been, to a great extent, discounted by fresh subsidences, which have been accompanied by upheavals elsewhere. However this may be, the uplands of Chota Nagpur date from a very ancient period, while the Himalayas were thrown up at a time which, from a geological point of view, is comparatively recent, and the alluvium in the greater part of Bengal proper has been deposited at a much later date than that in the Bihar plain west of Rajmahal.

The sub-province of Bihar occupies the north-western quarter of Bengal. It is divided by the Ganges into two parts — north and south. North Bihar is a level plain falling very gradually from the foot of the Himalayas, and with a belt of fairly high land along the bank of the Ganges. Between these two extremes the general elevation is lower, and considerable areas are liable to damage by floods. The soil consists mainly of the older alluvium or bilngar, a yellowish clay, with frecjuent deposits of kankar ; but in many parts this has been cut away by the torrents that rush down from the Himalayas, and the lowland, through which these rivers have at one time or another found an exit to the Ganges, is composed of more recent deposits of sand and silt brought down by them when in flood. In South Bihar the effects of recent fluvial action are less marked, especially towards the east, where the oudying hills and undulations of the Chota Nagpur plateau trench more and more upon the Gangetic plain until, at Monghyr, they extend as far as the river itself, and offer an effectual opposition to the oscillations in its course which the more yielding alluvial soil is unable to prevent elsewhere. The Bihar of our administration contains two tracts which do not properly belong to it. The Santal Parganas in its physical and ethnic features is an integral part of Chota Nagpur, while Malda* and the eastern part of Purnea belong to Bengal proper.

The latter sub-province naturally subdivides itself into four distinct parts. West Bengal, or the part west of the Bhagirathi, lies outside the true delta. The eastern portion of this tract is low and of alluvial formation ; but farther west laterite begins to predominate, and the surface rises and becomes more and more undulating and rocky, until at last it merges in the uplands of Chota Nagpur. Central Bengal, or the part lying south of the Padma, between the Bhagirathi on the west and the Madhuraati on the east, was formerly the Ganges delta ; but it has gradually been raised above flood-level, and the great rivers which formerly flowed through it, depositing their fertilizing silt, yielding an ample supply of wholesome drinking-water, and draining it, have shrunk to insignificance.

Their mouths have silted up and their banks are often higher than the .surrounding country, which they are no longer able to drain. East Bengal, or the country east of the Madhumati, includes the present delta of the Ganges and Brahmaputra, where the process of land-formation is still going on ; but in the south-east the hill range that divides Assam from Burma projects into it, while on the confines of Dacca* and Mymensingh* the Madhupur Jungle*, a tract ofquasi-laterite, rises above the recent alluvium. North Bengal lies north of the Padma and is wholly alluvial, with the exception of the Himalayan State of Sikkim, the greater part of the District of Darjeeling, and an elevated tract known as the Barind*, similar to the Madhupur jungle, which occupies a considerable area on the confines of Dinajpur*, Malda*, Rajshahi*, and Bogra*. In spite of its proximity to the hills, the general level of the alluvial country is very low, especially in Cooch Behar, Rangpur*, and the central part of Rajshahi*; and it suffers from obstructed drainage, due to the silting-up of the rivers and the gradual raising of their beds.

The plains of Orissa are a flat alluvial tract of which the centre and south comprise the delta of the Mahanadi, and the north has been formed by the fluvial deposits of the rivers which drain the southern flank of the Chota Nagpur plateau. Behind these plains rises a belt of hills, which gradually merge in the rocky uplands of the Tributary States.

Chota Nagpur, with the Santal Parganas and the Tributary States of Orissa, belongs throughout to the same geological formation. On the whole, the level rises gradually towards the north and west, but some of the highest peaks are in the south.

The main axis of the Himalayas skirts the northern boundary of Sikkim, dividing it from Tibet ; but one of the loftiest mountains in the world, Kinchinjunga (28,146 feet), lies within Sikkim, and three outliers project far into the plains of Bengal. The Singalila range strikes southward from Kinchinjunga in 88° E., and forms the boundary between Nepal and Darjeeling, its highest peaks being Singalila (12,130 feet), Sandakphu (11,930 feet), Phalut (ii,8ii feet), and Sabargam (11,636 feet), and the connected ranges and spurs covering the greater part of Darjeeling District. Fifty miles to the eastward, the Chola range runs southward from the Dongkya peak (23,190 feet), and divides Sikkim from Tibet and Bhutan on the east ; it is pierced by the Jelep La Pass, at 14,390 feet, and separates the basin of the TIsta on the west from that of the Torsa on the east. At Gipmochi (the tri-junction point of the Sikkim-Bhutan-Tibet boundary) this range bifurcates into two great spurs ; one runs to the south-east and the other to the south-west, including between them the valley of the Jaldhaka. From Chumalhari (23,933 feet) another great ridge strikes south through Bhutan between the basins of the Torsa (the Chumbi Valley) and Raidak rivers, terminating in the Sinchula hills which form the boundary between Jalpaiguri District* and Bhutan. The sub-Himalayan zone is represented by the Someswar hills (2,270 feet), which form the boundary between Champaran District and Nepal.

The Chota Nagpur plateau is contiguous to the Vindhyan system and attains an elevation of 2,000 feet. There are in reality three separate plateaux divided by belts of rugged hill and ravine ; and a confused mass of hills fringes the plateaux, extending in the Rajmahal Hills and at Monghyr north-east to the Ganges, and southwards over the Orissa Tributary States, while outlying spurs project far into the plains of South Bihar and West Bengal. Parasnath (4,480 feet) in Hazari- bagh District is the loftiest of these spurs, and the Saranda hills in Singhblulm rise to 3,500 feet.

On the south-eastern frontier a succession of low ranges running north and south covers the east of the Chittagong Division* and Hill Tippera*. The Sitakund* hill rises to 1,155 feet; but the ranges in the Chittagong Hill Tracts* attain a greater altitude, the highest peaks being Keokradang (4,034 feet) and Pyramid hill (3,017 feet).

The most distinctive feature of the Province is its network of rivers— the Ganges and the Brahmaputra, with their affluents and distributaries. These rivers are of use in many ways. They furnish an admirable and cheap means of transport ; they contain an inexhaustible supply offish; and they bring down vast quantities of fertilizing silt, which they distri- bute over the surface of the delta. The Ganges, which enters on the western frontier, flows almost due east, with numerous oscillations, as far as Rajmahal, where it escapes from the restraining influence of the hard rocks of the Chota Nagpur formation and enters the loose alluvium of Bengal proper. Until some 400 years ago, its subsequent course was due south, down the channel of the Bhagirathi. By degrees this channel silted up and became unequal to its task, and the main stream of the Ganges was thus obliged to seek another outlet. In this way the Ichamati, the JalangI, and the Matabhanga became in turn the main stream. The river tended ever eastwards, and at last, aided perhaps by one of those periodic subsidences of the unstable surface of the country to which reference has already been made, it broke eastwards, right across the old drainage channels, until it was met and stopped by the Brahmaputra. The river, below the point where the Bhagirathi leaves it, is known as the Padma.

Having its source at no great distance from that of the Ganges, but on the other side of the Himalayas, the Brahmaputra flows eastwards through Tibet, where it is known as the Tsan-po, until it reaches a point due north of the eastern extremity of Assam, when it takes a southerly course and, threading its way through the Eastern Himalayas, emerges in the plains of Assam. It then turns westwards and, after traversing the Assam Valley, enters Bengal from the north-east. It formerly followed the contour of the Garo Hills and, bisecting the District of Mymensingh*, joined the Meghna, or the united channel of the rivers which drain the Surma Valley and the surrounding hills of the Assam range and Lushai. This is the course shown on the maps of Rennell's survey in 1785; and it was not till the beginning of the nineteenth century that, having raised its bed and lost its velocity, it was no longer able to hold its own against the Meghna, and suddenly broke westwards. Its new course runs due south from Dhubri and joins the Padma near GoALUNDO*. From this point these two great rivers travel down a common channel and vie with each other in depositing their silt in the eastern corner of the delta, where the land area is now being rapidly thrust forward. They discharge into the Bay of Bengal down the Meghna estuary.

Along the northern frontier of Bengal numerous rivers debouch from the Himalayas. There are reasons for supposing that formerly, when the Ganges and the Brahmaputra were still 150 miles apart, many of them united to form a great independent river which flowed southwards to the sea, sometimes east of the Barind down the channel of the Kara- TOVA, and sometimes west of it by way of the Mahananda. It has been suggested that the Haringhata was the original estuary of the Karatoya and its affluents, and it is possible that the Bhairab was the ancient channel of the Mahananda. Its tortuous course can still be traced on both sides of the Jalangi and the Matabhanga ; and it is only near the Padma, almost opposite the point where the Mahananda flows into it, that all upward traces of this old river disappear. At the present time the chief Himalayan tributaries of the Ganges in this Province are the Gandak, the Kosi, and the Mahananda, while the Tista — the modern representative of the Karatoya — is an affluent of the Brahma- putra. On its right bank the Ganges receives the Son from Chota Nagpur ; and its ancient channel, the Bhagirathi, which, in the latter part of its course, is called the Hooghly, is augmented from the same direction by the waters of the Damodar and the Rupnarayan. Farther south, in Orissa, several rivers, draining the Chota Nagpur plateau, find an exit to the sea independently of the great fluvial system described above. Of these the chief are the Subarnarekha, Baitarani, BrahmanI, and MahanadI.

In a level alluvial country like Bengal, where the soil is composed of loose and yielding materials, the courses of the rivers are constantly shifting ; land is cut away from one bank and thrown up on the other, and the definition and regulation of the alluvial rights of the riparian proprietors, and of the state, form the subject of a distinct branch of Anglo-Indian jurisprudence.

In spite of the dead level and the consequent absence of variety, the scenery of Bengal proper and Orissa has a distinct charm i.A its own. Even in the dry months the groves of bamboos and of mango, areca and coco-nut palm, tamarind, plpal and other trees, in which the home- stead lands of the people are buried, afford a profusion of green vegeta- tion very restful to the eye, while in the rains, from the time when the young rice seedlings cover the ground with a delicate green sward until December, when the golden heads of the mature plants fall before the sickle, the landscape verges very closely on the beautiful. In South Bihar, the village sites are, for the most part, devoid of trees, and the houses are crowded together in inartistic confusion. Except for occasional mango groves and the trees on the steeper hills or along some of the main roads, there is very little vegetation when the crops are off the ground, and the prospect is bare and arid, until the rains cause the maize, millets, and early rice to germinate. In North Bihar trees are more plentiful, though much less so than in Bengal proper. The Chota Nagpur plateau is a tangled mass of rock and forest. The outlook is always diversified, and from the higher points magnificent views are obtained.

In their upper reaches the rivers have a rapid flow and carry away the soil ; but when they enter the level flats of Bengal proper, their speed is reduced, and their torpid current is no longer able to support the solid matter hitherto held in suspension. They accordingly deposit it in their beds and on their banks, which are thus raised above the level of the surrounding country, until at last the river breaks through to the adjacent lowland and makes for itself a new bed, where it repeats the process. Great marshes or bils are often found within the enclosures thus formed by the high banks of rivers. These are generally connected with the outside rivers by khdls or drainage channels ; but, owing to the tendency of all watercourses to silt up, they remain open only so long as the difference of level between the water in the basin and that outside is sufficiently great to maintain a flow which gives an efificient scour. The natural tendency of these swamps is to fill up ; in the rainy season the rivers drain into them and deposit their silt, and decayed vegetable matter also gradually accumulates. In this way, but for the vagaries of the rivers and fresh subsidences of the surface^ the irregularities in elevation would in course of time disappear.

These marshes are met with all over Bengal proper ; but they are especially numerous in the south of Faridpur* and the west and north-west of Backergunge*, where the whole country is a succession of basins, full of water in the rains, but partially or wholly dry in the winter months. The largest of these depressions is the Chalan Bil*, lying partly in Rajshahi* and partly in Pabna*, which has a water area varying from about 20 square miles in the dry season to 150 in the rains. The average depth of water during the dry season is about 3 feet ; a tortuous navigal)le channel runs through it, with a depth of from 6 t(j 12 feet all the year round. In Bihar the number of these marshes is comparatively small, and they usually dry up during the cold season. The only lakes, pro- perly so called, are found in Champaran, where a chain of them (forty- three in number), covering an area of 139 square miles, runs through the centre of the District, marking the old bed of some extensive river which has now taken another course.

The largest lake, if such it can be called, in the whole Province is the Chilka, in the south of Orissa, a pear-shaped expanse of water, 44 miles long, with an area varying at different seasons from 344 to 450 square miles. It was once doubtless a gulf of the sea, protected on the south by a barren spur of hills and on the north by the alluvial formation deposited by the MahanadI and other rivers. These two promontories are now joined by a bar of sand, thrown up by the winds of the south-west monsoon, which is steadily growing in breadth. Early in the nineteenth century the only opening had silted up, and an artificial mouth had to be cut, which still connects it with the sea. From December to June the water is salt ; but when the rivers which feed it are in flood, the salt water is gradually driven out, and it becomes a fresh-water lake. It is slowly filling up, and its average depth is now only 3 to 5 feet.

The process of land-formation, which is active along the shores of the Bay of Bengal, forms numerous islands, which tend to join the mainland as the intermediate channels silt up ; many of them are, however, still separated from the shore by broad channels. Sagar Island, off the mouth of the Hooghly, has for centuries been famous as the scene of an annual bathing festival, at the point where the sacred Ganges merges its waters in the Bay. Dakhin Shahbazpur*, at the mouth of the Meghna, is the largest of the islands formed by the silt-laden w:aters of the Ganges and Brahmaputra, which have also created Sandwip* and Hatia* ; the former was long notorious as a nest of the Portuguese and Arakanese pirates who harried the coasts of Bengal in the seven- teenth century. Kutubdia* is an alluvial island off the Chittagong* coast which has also been formed by deposits of silt washed down from the Meghna ; the adjacent island of Maiskhal* has a backbone of low hills which rise abruptly from the sea.

The coast-line of the Bay of Bengal is everywhere alluvial, and the harbours are situated up the rivers which until recently carried all the commerce of the country. Calcutta, 80 miles from the mouth of the Hooghly, absorbs almost the entire trade of the Province, the value of its imports and exports in 1903-4 having been 113 crores, or 75 millions sterling, out of a total for all Bengal of rather less than 118 crores. Of the entire volume of its trade 10 1 crores is with foreign ports.

Chittagong*, 12 miles up the Karnaphuli river, on the east side of the Bay, is a much older port than Calcutta, but has until lately served a very limited area, the principal business having been the shipment of jute carried in brigs from Narayanganj*. The Assam-Bengal Railway has now connected it with the Assam Valley, of which it promises to become the principal outlet. The value of its imports and exports in 1903-4 was 4 crores or nearly 3 millions sterling. The Orissa ports include Balasore, False Point, and Puri ; but their trade is declin- ing owing to the competition of the East Coast Railway, and it was valued in 1903-4 at only 83 lakhs.

As has already been stated, the greater part of the plains of Bengal is covered by alluvium. Little is known of the hills in the Chitlagong Hill Tracts* and Hill Tippera*, except that they are composed of Upper Tertiary rocks, and geological interest is confined to the Chota Nagpur plateau and to the portion of the Himalayas contained in Darjeeling and Sikkim.

Cneissic rocks form the nucleus of the Chota Nagpur plateau, and are fringed on all sides by transition rocks, and freely interbedded with micaceous, siliceous, and hornblendic schists. The transition or sub- metamorphic rocks form groups of isolated hills in South Bihar, known as the Rajgir, Sheikhpura, Kharakpur, and Gidhaur hills ; and similar transition rocks are found in parts of Manbhum, Singhbhum, and Ranch! Districts. The transition rocks carry metalliferous lodes of gold, silver, copper, and lead, but so far none of these have proved remunerative.

Sandstones, shales, and limestones belonging to the Sasaram Vindhyan system occur near Rohtasgarh in Shahabad District.

The Gondwana system contains coal-bearing strata, and is represented in the Rajmahal Hills, the Damodar valley, in several of the Chota Nagpur Districts, and in Orissa. At the base of this system lies the Talcher group of shale and sandstone, and above it the Karharbari sandstones, grits, and conglomerates, with seams of coal. This is super- posed by the Damodar series, which comprises in ascending order the Barakar group, ironstone shales, and the Raniganj beds. The Barakars consist of conglomerates, sandstones, shales, and coal ; and above them, in the Raniganj and a few other coal-fields of the Damodar valley, there is found a great thickness of black or grey shales, with bands and nodules of clay ironstone. The Raniganj beds comprise coarse and fine sandstones, with shales and coal-seams.

Laterite (a porous argillaceous rock much impregnated with iron peroxide) is well developed on the west coast, and is traced northward from Orissa, through Midnapore, Burdwan, and Birbhum, to the flanks of the Rajmahal Hills, where in places it is as much as 200 feet thick.

Gneiss of the well-foliated type, frequently passing into mica schist, constitutes the greater portion of the Darjeeling Himalayas ; but sub- metamorphic or transition rocks, known as the Daling series, are well represented in the Tista and the Rangit valleys, and in the outer hills south of Kurseong, while sandstones, conglomerates, and clays, referable to the Upper Tertiary period, occur as a narrow band fringing the base of the Himalayas. Intervening between the sub-metamorphics and the tertiaries there is a thin belt of Lower Gondwana rocks, which includes various alternations of sandstones or quartzite, shales, slates, and beds of friable coal.

The vegetation of Bihar and Bengal proper is 'diluvial' : i.e. it is of the kind usually found in or near places liable to inundation, and most of the species, both wild and cultivated, if not cosmopolitan, are wide- spread in the eastern tropics. In Bihar the older alluvium, with mainly annual turf, has the crops and weeds of Upper India. Inundated tracts near rivers are often under tamarisk. Village shrubberies, except on abandoned sites, are scanty, and the forests in the south are open and park-like. Bengal proper has perennial turf. Except in the extreme north the forests are often mixed with reedy grasses, which are some- times replaced by savannahs. The river-beds are wide and often bare. East of the Bhaglrathi the country is for the most part a half-aquatic rice plain, with patches of jungle on river banks, and shrubberies of semi-spontaneous species on the raised ground found near habitations and roadways. The marshes, pools, and sluggish streams are filled with water-plants. These conditions become intensified eastwards in the blls, which are rice swamps in the dry season but become inland fresh-water seas with grassy floating islets during the rains ; and still more so in the Sundarbans, where the partially-submerged muddy islands lying among interlacing brackish creeks are densely covered with Malayan shore forest and mangrove swamps. The hills on the extreme south-east are covered with forest, Indo-Chinese in character, without sal {Shorea robustd), but with giirjan {Dipterocarpus turhinatiis\ unknown elsewhere.

In the north the flora gradually changes from tropical to Himalayan. The lower ranges and the tarai beneath are covered with dense forest. On sandy or gravelly soils, the sal is the typical tree, while in marshy tracts the gab {Diospyros Pmbryop/eris) and other like species are found. A similar forest skirts and ascends the hills of the Chota Nagpur plateau. The high lands above have a vegetation which is mainly of the Central Indian type, but that on the more elevated peaks is sub-temperate. The Orissa rice plain resembles that of Bengal proper. Except in the delta of the MahanadT, which is occupied by a mangrove swamp, it is separated from the sea by sand-dunes covered with Coromandel coast plants.

In ancient times Bengal was the home of numerous wild animals, and the elephant, rhinoceros, and wild buffalo frequented the dense jungles which ha\t; long since given place to cultivation. I'hese animals have now disappeared from all but the most remote tracts, such as the Sundarbans and the jungles of Chittagong*, Jalpaigurl*, and the Orissa Tributary States. Practically the only large game remaining are tigers, leopards, bears, deer, and wild hog. Tigers are comparatively scarce, but still do a great deal of damage in some Districts ; leopards, deer, and wild hog are common in many parts ; and bears abound wherever there are rocky hills. Owing possibly to the absence of suit- able grazing, the domestic animals are of an inferior stamp. The cattle are small and weakly, and the buffaloes also are a very degenerate breed compared with the wild stock from which they are descended.

Although Bengal is situated almost entirely outside the tropical zone, its climate for about two-thirds of the year, i.e. from the middle of March to the end of October, is of the kind usually characterized as tropical ; it has a high temperature and humidity, and a dry and a wet season. During the other months the temperature is much lower, the humidity is slight or moderate, and the rainfall is generally scanty. The mean temperature during the cold-season months is about 64° and during the hot season about 83°. About the beginning of March, as the sun gains a higher altitude and the days grow longer, the tem- perature increases rapidly. The process is aided, in the greater part of Bengal proper and Orissa, by moisture-laden southerly winds from the Bay of Bengal, which give a fairly copious rainfall when weather is disturbed*, while in Bihar and part of North Bengal hot and dry westerly winds are prevalent in the daytime, but die away at night. From about the middle of May the south-west wind-current steadily strengthens, and, being diverted northwards by the mountain range on the western side of Burma, causes increasing rainfall in East Bengal. By the middle of June, in normal years, the monsoon has attained its full strength, and, flowing northwards, is checked and turned westwards by the Himalayan range. The moist current in its northward course is the cause of heavy rainfall near the coast and in the eastern Districts. Farther west the rainfall is more intermittent, and is due more to the cyclonic disturbances which develop at short intervals of two or three weeks in the north-west angle of the Bay and in Lower Bengal. These invariably move westwards, and in passing over the western Districts cause continuous and occasionally very heavy rainfall for several days at a time. From the beginning of September the south-west monsoon begins to fall off in strength. Cloud and rainfall are more intermittent, and are generally due to cyclonic storms, which begin to move more to the north and north-east than to the west. Temperature increases owing to the longer intervals of bright sunshine. Before the end of October

' '1 he local hot-season storms are known as ' nor'-westers.' They are generally accompanied by heavy rain and occasionally by hail. the south-west monsoon has ceased to affect the Province ; and, as during the latter half of that month pressure becomes higher in Bengal than over the Bay, northerly winds begin to set in. Being land winds, they carry but a small amount of moisture, and coming from the colder region in the north, their advent is followed by an immediate fall of temperature. Hence, during the months from November to f^bruary, fine dry weather, with an almost entire absence of cloud and rainflill, prevails in all parts of the Province. Occasional disturbances originating in, or proceeding from, the north-west of India j)ass from west to east over Bengal in January and February. The cyclonic winds which they cause are followed by the formation of general cloud, with irregular, but at times heavy, rainfall.

Excluding the Darjeeling hills, where the mountain slopes cause an annual rainfall varying from 209 inches at Buxa* to 122 inches at Darjeeling, the areas of greatest precipitation are in the south-east, where the rainfall ranges between 100 and 140 inches. In the rest of East Bengal it is between 70 and 80 inches, but again rises in North Bengal to 84 inches in Rangpur*, and to between 100 and 130 inches in the submontane plains. In the coast Districts of Central and West Bengal and in Orissa, where the effect of cyclonic storms from the Bay is chiefly felt, the annual fall is generally from 60 to 70 inches, but in places it exceeds 80 inches. In the other Districts of Bengal proper, and in the east of Bihar, where the influence of mountain ranges and cyclonic storms is less apparent, the rainfall is lighter and more uniform, being generally between 50 and 60 inches. Farther west it diminishes to 45 inches in Chota Nagpur and to 42 inches in South Bihar. In the submontane tracts of North Bihar the annual fall varies from 50 to 55 inches.

The rainfall depends largely upon local conditions, and the fluctuations are irregular; but generally it was very deficient in 1873, in 1883 and 1884, and in 1895 and 1896. The most marked deficiency was in 1873, when the fall was only between 50 and 60 per cent, of the normal. Heavy rainfall occurred throughout the Province in the years 1876, 1886, and 1899; in other years heavy local falls occurred, e.g. in Lower Bengal in 1893 and 1900. If the variabiHty be shown by the absolute range, that is, the difference between the heaviest and lightest rainfall on record expressed as a percentage of the normal, we find that it is greatest in the north-west of the Province and diminishes southward and eastward. In Bihar it is 108, in Chota Nagpur 87, in Orissa 87, in the central Districts 83, and in North and East Bengal about 72.

One of the most remarkable features of the rainfall of Bengal is the occasional occurrence of excessive local precipitation. Thus, on September 25, 1899, a fall of 19^ inches was registered in Darjeeling, causing numerous landslips and some loss of life. The natural effect of a heavy downpour is to cause the rivers to rise and overflow their banks, especially the rivers flowing from the Himalayas, which collect the rain-water more rapidly than do those in the plains. The most disastrous flood of this nature on record occurred in 1787, when the Tista suddenly burst its banks and spread itself over the whole District of Rangpur*. It is estimated that the direct loss of life due to drowning, and the indirect mortality on account of famine and disease, amounted to one-sixth of the entire District population. In the case of non-Himalayan rivers, the liability to damage is greatest where embankments have been thrown up to hold the river to its course. The effect of these embankments is that the water, which is flowing at a higher level than the surrounding country, suddenly rushes over them instead of rising gradually, as it would do if there was no embankment. Consequently, when a breach occurs, the water pours over the lower land beyond and does immense damage. In 1885, and again in 1890, when the great Lalitakuri embankment of the Bhagirathi gave way, the flood-water swept right across Murshidabad and Nadia Districts for a distance of more than 50 miles.

The Province suffers even more from cyclones, especially on the sea- coast of East Bengal, where they often cause an inundation of salt water. The most striking features in these cyclones are the great barometric depression in the centre and the magnitude of the storm area. These two causes produce a large accumulation of water at and near the centre, which progresses with the storm and gives rise to a destructive storm-wave when the centre reaches a gradually shelving coast. This conjunction of adverse circumstances occurs more or less regularly at intervals of ten or twelve years. The worst of the recent calamities of this nature was in 1876, when a great part of Backergunge* and the adjoining Districts was submerged to a depth of from 10 to 45 feet.

Nearly 74,000 persons were drowned in Backergunge* alone, and the cholera epidemic which followed carried off close on 50,000 more. On October 24, 1897, Chittagong District* was devastated by a similar but more local catastrophe; 14,000 persons were drowned and nearly three times that number died of the diseases that followed. Tidal waves have more than once caused great damage to the shipping in the HooGHLY ; and although Calcutta itself is so far from the sea, it is by no means certain that it is beyond the reach of a bore of exceptional height and momentum. Great damage is occasionally caused by cyclones on the sea-coast of Orissa, and in 1885 a considerable area in Cuttack and Balasore was inundated and large numbers of human beings and cattle were drowned.

In the earlier part of this article reference has been made to the probability that in the distant past the surface of Bengal had been greatly affected by changes of elevation. Small earth tremors are still of constant occurrence, and on at least seven occasions in the past 150 years — in 1762, 1810, 1829, 1842, 1866, 1885, and 1897 — earth- quakes of considerable severity have taken place. By far the worst of these was that of June 12, 1897. Its focus is believed to have been somewhere near Cherrapunji in the Assam range, but it travelled with such rapidity that it reached the western extremity of Bengal in six minutes or even less. The violence of the shock in this Province was greatest in the Districts bordering on Assam, and it was comparatively slight west of the Bhagirathi. In North and East Bengal most of the older masonry buildings fell or were severely damaged, and even in Central Bengal a considerable proportion of the larger buildings suffered. Some of the older ones collapsed altogether and many others were rendered unfit for occupation. In the alluvial tracts near Assam numerous long cracks and fissures opened in the ground, and cir- cular holes were formed through which water and sand were ejected ; wells were filled with sand, and many small river-channels were entirely blocked by the upheaval of their beds. The railways in the same localities were rendered impassable owing to the damage done to bridges and to fissures in the embankments, which in some places subsided altogether. The shock fortunately occurred in the daytime and the mortality was thus small ; had it occurred at night, the number killed must have been very large. The previous earthquake (that of 1885) was felt chiefly in the same parts of Bengal, but it was more local ; its area of maximum intensity was in the neighbourhood of Bogra*.

The people of Bengal appear from their physical type to belong to three distinct stocks — Dravidian, Mongoloid, and Aryan, Except on the northern and eastern outskirts, the main basis is everywhere Dravidian ; but in Bengal proper there is a strong Mongoloid element, while in Bihar the Dravidian type has been modified by an admixture of Aryan blood. Philologists hold that the earliest recognizable linguistic formation in India is the Dra- vidian. How the people who brought these languages with them en- tered India is a problem regarding which we can only speculate. They may have come from the north-west by way of Arabia, where (if so) the subsequent intrusion of a Semitic race has since obliterated all trace of them ; or they may, more probably, have come from the south in the prehistoric time when it is thought that India was connected with Madagascar by a land area, known to naturalists as Lemuria, which subsequently broke up and sank beneath the sea, leaving as its only trace several huge shoals and a chain of islands, including the Seychelles, Chagos Islands, the Laccadives and Maldives. Dravidian languages still survive, not only in Southern India, where Tamil and 'J'elugu are its leading representatives, but also in the Chota Nagpur plateau, where they are spoken by the Oraon, Male, and other tribes. Bengal was next over- run, as far as Bihar and Chota Nagpur, by tribes speaking languages of the family known as Mon-Anam or Mon-Khmer, which is still extant in Pegu, Cambodia, and Cochin China. These tribes probably came from the north-east by way of the Patkai pass and the valley of the Brahmaputra. The only dialect of this family which survives in Assam is the Khasi ; in Bengal not a single representative is left, but indications of its former existence are perhaps disclosed by the Munda family of languages^. These invaders from the north-east were followed by fresh hordes from the same direction, whose speech was of the type known as Tibeto- Burman, of which Tibetan and Burmese represent the two standards to which the other and ruder dialects tend to conform, and which is believed to have had its origin in Eastern Tibet or in adjacent territory now Chinese. The earliest of these later incomers were probably the ancestors of the Pods of Central and the Chandals of East Bengal, who have long since abandoned their characteristic dialects, while the latest were the Kochs, Mechs, and Garos, many of whom still retain their tribal forms of speech. The Aryan invasion from the north-west, which took place while the incursions of Mongoloid tribes from the north-east were still in progress, was the last notable movement so far as this Province is concerned. Bihar was the seat of rule of Aryan princes, but in Bengal proper the stream of immigration was comparatively thin and attenuated. As the Aryan invasion spread, its character changed, and arms gave way to arts. Aryan priests, adventurers, merchants, and artificers found their way over and beyond Bengal, and by their superior intelligence and culture gradually imposed their religion and language on people whom they had never conquered, and sometimes even snatched the crown from the indigenous ruling families.

Population

The distribution of the population, as disclosed by the Census of 1901, is shown in Tables II and IIa at the end of this article (pp. 343-5). The total population of the Province, including Native States, IS 78,493,410, 01 whom 39,278,186 are males and 39,215,224 females. Of the total number, 74,744,866 are in British territory and 3,748,544 in Native States. In the Province'" as a whole there are 400 persons to the square mile, but the density varies remarkably in different parts. It is greatest It has already been mentioned th.it Pandua is believed by many to be identical with the ancient I'aundiavardhana.

The populatiun of the Province as now constituted is 54,662,529, of whom

27,140,616 are males and 27,521,913 females. Of the total number 50,722,067 are ill Hritish territory and 3, 940, 462 in the Native States.

' 'Ihe present area of Bengal coniains 36S persons to tlic square mile. in North Bihar, where there are 634 persons to the square mile. Central Bengal and \Vest Bengal are also thickly peopled. Then follow South Bihar, Orissa, East and North Bengal, and last the Chota Nagpur plateau, which, with only 152 persons per square mile, is the area of least dense population. The density is far from uniform even in the same natural division. In East Bengal, for example, Dacca District has 952 persons to the square mile, while the Chittagong Hill Tracts* have only 24, and in North Bihar the number ranges from 908 in Muzaffarpur to 375 in Purnea. Howrah, with 1,668 persons to the square mile, is the most thickly-inhabited District in Bengal, while the most sparse population (21 to the square mile) is found in Sikkim and in the Chang Bhakar* and Korea* Tributary States of Chota Nagpur (22 to the square mile). Marked variations are sometimes found even within the borders of a single District, e. g. in Dacca*, where the Srlnagar police circle contains 1,787 inhabitants to the square mile compared with only 415 in Kapasia. As a general rule it may be .said that the tracts where cold-season rice is the chief staple of cultivation are capable of supporting the largest number of inhabitants. Some parts of Bihar, where other crops are mainly grown, have a fairly dense population ; but their inhabitants are not wholly dependent on local sources of income, and a large proportion of the adult males earn their livelihood in other parts of the Province, whence they make regulai remittances for the support of their families.

In the Province as a whole, out of every 100 persons, 95 live in villages and only 5 in towns'. Bengal is a distinctly agricultural country, and many even of the so-called towns are merely overgrown villages. The urban population is considerable only in Central Bengal, where the inclusion of Calcutta and its environs brings the proportion up to 19 per cent. The second place is shared by West Bengal, with its flourishing industrial centres at Howrah, Bally, Serampore, and Raniganj ; and by South Bihar, with its ancient towns of Patna, Gaya, Monghyr, and Bihar. In both these tracts 7 per cent, of the inhabitants live in urban areas. Orissa follows with an urban population of 4 per cent., then North Bihar and North Bengal with 3 per cent., and, lastly. East Bengal and the Chota Nagpur plateau with only 2 per cent. The order in which the different tracts stand is sufficient to show the want of any connexion between the prosperity of the people and the growth of towns. The general standard of comfort is highest in East Bengal, although it has the smallest proportion of persons living in towns. South Bihar ranks comparatively high in respect of its urban population, and yet it includes the poorest part of the Province. The older towns, which usually owed their origin to the presence of a native court, have few industries, and such as they possess are for the most part decadent ;

' Of the present population 94 per cent, live in villages and 6 per cent, in towns. while in the newer towns the industries are carried on by foreign capital, and even the employes come from other parts of the country. The mills of Howrah and the coal-mines of Asansol are alike worked, with British capital, by coolies from Bihar and the United Provinces, and the shopkeepers, who are enriched by the trade they bring, are also for the most part foreigners.

The population of Calcutta, as limited by the jurisdiction of the municipal corporation, is 848,000 ; but to this should be added that of its suburbs (101,000), and also of Howrah (158,000), which lies on the opposite bank of the Hooghly and is as much a part of Calcutta as Southwark is of London. With these additions, the number of inhabi- tants rises to 1,107,000, which is greater than that of any European city except London, Constantinople, Paris, and Berlin. Next to Calcutta Howrah is now the largest town in Bengal. It is of entirely modern growth, and owes its position to its growing importance as a manufac- turing centre. The increase during the last decade has been 35 per cent., and it has grown by no less than 80 per cent, since 1872. Patna, which stands next, has a very ancient history, and its population w^as once much greater than at present. It was estimated by Buchanan Hamilton at 312,000; but his calculation referred to an area of 20 square miles, whereas the city as now defined has rather less than half that area. At the present time its prosperity is declining, owing to the gradual diversion of trade from the river to the railway. At the time of the Census plague was raging in the city, and the recorded population was only 134,785. Six months later, when the epidemic had subsided, a fresh count showed it to be 153,739, which was still less by nearly 17,000 than in 1881. Dacca* was also a flourishing city long before the days of British rule. For about a century it was the capital of the Nawabs, and its muslins were once famous throughout Europe. When the demand for these muslins declined, its prosperity was seriously affected, and in 1830 its inhabitants numbered only about 70,000. Since then the growth of the jute trade has caused a revival, and the population has now risen to 90,542.

The villages of Bengal vary greatly in different parts. In Bihar, especially south of the Ganges, the buildings are closely packed together, and there is no room for trees or gardens. As one goes eastwards, the houses, though still collected in a single village site, are farther apart, and each stands in its own patch of homestead land, where vegetables are grown, and fruit trees and bamboos afford a grateful protection from the glare of the tropical sun. Farther east, again, in the swamps of East Bengal, there is often no trace of a central village site, and the houses are found in straggling rows lining the high banks of rivers, or in small clusters on mounds from 12 to 20 feet in height laboriously thrown up during the dry months when the water temporarily disappears. The average population of a village is 335, but the definition of this unit for census purposes was not uniform. In some parts the survey area was adopted ; elsewhere the residential village with its dependent hamlets was taken ; but in practice it was often found very difficult to decide whether a particular group of houses should be taken as a separate entity or treated as a hamlet belonging to some other village.

The information regarding the early population of Bengal is scanty and unreliable. In 1787 Sir William Jones thought that it amounted to 24 millions, including part of the United Provinces then attached to Bengal. Five years later Mr. Colebrooke placed it at 30 millions. In 1835 Mr. Adam assumed it to be 35 millions, but this estimate was thought too high and was reduced to 31 millions in 1844. In 1870 the population was held to be about 42 millions, or more than a third less than the figures disclosed by the first regular Census of the Province, which was taken in 1872. The changes recorded by subsequent enumerations are shown below : —

Between 1872 and 1881 the Chota Nagpur plateau showed the greatest apparent growth of population, but this was due mainly to the inaccuracy of the first Census in this wild, remote, and sparsely-peopled tract. Orissa, which came second, had suffered a terrible loss of population in the great famine of 1866, and its rapid growth was the natural reaction from that calamity during a period of renewed prosperity. In North and South Bihar, as in Chota Nagpur, the Census of 1872 was defective, and the increment recorded in 1881 was to a great extent fictitious. The decline in West Bengal was due to a virulent outbreak of malarial fever. Between 1881 and 1891 the apparent rate of development in East Bengal and Chota Nagpur was about the same, but the latter tract again owed part of its increase to better enumeration, and the real growth was greatest in East Bengal. Then followed Orissa and North

VOL. VIL Q Bihar, then North Bengal, and then, in order. West Bengal, Central Bengal, and Soutlx Bihar. At the Census of 1901 East Bengal again heads the list, and is followed in order by the Chota Nagpur plateau, Orissa, West Bengal, North Bengal, and Central Bengal. The population of North Bihar is stationary, while that of South Bihar has suffered a loss of 3'6 per cent.

So far as the figures go, the rate of growth in the Province as a whole shows a progressive decline, but this is due to a great extent to omissions at the earlier enumerations. The pioneer Census of 1872 was admit- tedly very incomplete. That of 1881 was much more accurate; and although it is impossible to estimate, even approximately, the extent to which this affected the comparative results of the two enumerations, it would probably be quite safe to say that, if the two enumerations had been equally accurate, the excess of the figures for 1881 over those for 1872 would have been less than the increment disclosed by the Census of 1 90 1 as compared with that of 1891. But although the Census of 1 88 1 was very much more complete than that of 1872, there were still tracts where the standard of accuracy fell considerably below that attained ten years later ; and it has been estimated that of the increase disclosed by the Census of 1891, about half a million may be ascribed to the greater accuracy of that enumeration, but even so the increment then recorded exceeds that of the last decade by about 800,000. It is calculated that the plague, which appeared for the first time in 1898, accounted for 150,000 deaths; while the cyclone of October 24, 1897, which devastated large tracts in Chittagong*, is believed to be respon- sible, directly and indirectly, for a mortality of about 50,000. Apart from the deaths due to plague and cyclone, there seems no reason to believe that there has been any general increase in the death-rate, and the slower rate of growth seems to be due rather to a falling off in the birth-rate. In Orissa and Central and West Bengal the birth-rate prior to 1891 was abnormally high, owing to the recovery, in the one case, from the famine of 1866, and, in the other, from the ravages of malarial fever. In Bihar successive bad seasons have led to various preventive checks on the growth of the population; but, as noticed elsewhere, they do not appear to have affected the death-rate, and it is only among the wild tribes of Chota Nagpur that a certain amount of mortality was possibly attributable to famine.

The number of immigrants to Bengal from other parts of India, according to the Census of 1901, is 728,715, and the corresponding number of emigrants is 879,583. By far the greatest influx is from the United Provinces, which send a continually growing supply of labourers for the mills of the metropolitan Districts and the coal-fields of Burdwan and Manbhum, and for earthwork, palki bearing, &c., throughout the Province. The total number of persons born in the United Provinces and its States, hut enumerated in Bengal, was 496,940 in 1901, com- pared with 365,248 in 1891 and 351,933 in 1881. These figures include the ebb and flow between contiguous Districts along the boundary line. If this be left out of account, the number of immigrants from the United Provinces at the Census of 1901 is about 416,000. Of these, nearly three-sevenths were residing in Calcutta, the Twenty-four Parganas, and Howrah '. The emigrants to the United Provinces number only 128,991, of whom all but about 32,000 were found in Districts contiguous to the District of their birth.

The emigrants from Bengal to Assam in 1901 numbered nearly 504,000, or 85,000 more than -at the previous Census. Of these, 300,000 were from the Chota Nagpur plateau, which is the great recruiting ground for the tea gardens of Assam. About 157,000 persons born in Bengal were enumerated in Burma, compared with 112,000 in 1891. The majority were harvesters from the adjoining District of Chittagong* ; but many also were from Bihar, and some of these have been settled on waste-land grants in Upper Burma.

Of migration within the Province, the most noticeable feature is the great movement from Bihar to Bengal proper in quest of employment in coal-mines and factories, or on earthwork, or as field-labourers. These immigrants are for the most part adult males who eventually return to their old homes. Their total number at the time of the Census was very little short of half a million. Another internal move- ment of a more permanent nature is that of the tribes of the Chota Nagpur plateau, who, in addition to 300,000 persons enumerated in Assam, have given 400,000 to Bengal proper. The Santals have been working their way steadily north and east for seventy years or more, and are now found in considerable numbers in the elevated tract known as the Barind, in the centre of North Bengal, which they are rapidly bring- ing under cultivation. The other tribes are following their lead as pioneers of cultivation ; many also take service in the coal-fields and in the tea gardens of Jalpaiguri* and the Darjeeling iarai, and large numbers leave their homes every cold season to obtain employment on earthwork or as field-labourers.

The age return is so inaccurate that very little reliance can be placed on the absolute results. The degree of error may, however, be assumed to be fairly constant, and, if so, some interesting conclusions may be deduced by a comparison of the figures for successive Censuses. It would seem that the mean age of the population, which fell slightly in

' The Districts of the United Provinces from which most of the immigrants come are those in the extreme east : namely, Ballia, Azamgarh, Ghazlpur, Gorakhpur, Benares, Jaunpur, Mirzapur, and Allahabad. Then come the Districts immediately to the west of these : namely, Fyzabad, Sultanpur, Partabgarh, Rae BarelT, Liickiiow, Fatehpur, and Cawnpore.

1891, has now risen to a somewhat higher figure than in 1881 \ This is due mainly to the variations in the birth-rate. The population was growing more rapidly than usual in the decade ending 1891, which was a period of recovery from famine and disease, and the larger proportion of young children reduced the average age of the population as a whole. The higher castes appear to live longer than the aboriginal tribes, while the latter have larger families than any other section of the community. There does not seem to be much difference in the relative longevity of Hindus and Muhammadans, but the latter have a larger proportion of children than the Hindus, and the mean age of the community is consequently lower.

Births and deaths are recorded throughout the Province, except in Angul, the Chittagong Hill Tracts*, and the Feudatory States. The present system of mortuary registration was introduced in 1869. The duty of reporting deaths was imposed on the chaukidars, or village watchmen, and not on the relations of the deceased. In 1876 the system was extended to births; but the returns received were so incomplete that they were soon discontinued and, except in towns, for which special legislation was undertaken in 1873, deaths alone were registered until 1892. In that year the collection of statistics of births as well as of deaths was ordered, and the system now in vogue was introduced. In the Chaukidari Amendment Act of 1892, the reporting of vital occurrences was made one of the legal duties of the chaukidars. The births and deaths occurring in each beat are entered on leaflets by the chaukidar, or, if he be illiterate, by the panchayat, and taken by the former to the police station when he attends his weekly muster. A consolidated monthly statement is compiled at the police station and submitted to the Civil Surgeon, who prepares a similar return for the whole District. The accuracy of the reporting is checked by the police and other local officers, but the most valuable testing agency is that of the vaccination establish- ments, who are required to make inquiries regarding vital occurrences when on their rounds to test the vaccination operations. Errors and omissions thus brought to light, which usually range from i to i^ per cent, on the total number of vital occurrences, are communicated to the District Magistrate and the chaukidars at fault are punished. Under the special Act for towns the reporting of births and deaths by the nearest male relative was made compulsory. The information was col- lected for some time by the municipal authorities, but the results were not satisfactory, and the duty was subsequently transferred to the police.

' By mean age is meant the average age of the living, which (except in a stationary population) is not the same thing as the mean duration of life. The mean age of males is calculated to have been 24.2 years in 1S81, 24-0 in iScjijand 24-3 in 1901. These figures, however, are mere apjiroximations.

These measures have led to a great improvement in the accuracy of the vital statistics. The latest estimate of the birth and death-rates in Bengal is that of Mr. Hardy, F.I. A., F.S.S., based on the Census figures for 1891 and 1901, which places them at 43-9 and 38-9 per 1,000 respectively. The rates according to the returns are still below this estimate, but the figures reported from year to year show a gradual improvement ; and they are now sufficiently accurate not only for the purpose of showing the relative healthiness or unhealthiness of the year, but also for calculating the approximate growth of the population. The increase shown by the Census of 1901, as compared with that taken ten years previously, in the areas for which vital statistics are collected, was 3,358,576, while that indicated by the excess of reported births over deaths was 3,159,200. In Noakhali* in 1900 the reported birth-rate was 52-3 per 1,000 calculated on the population disclosed by the Census of 1901, and in Patna in 1901 the reported mortality was 56-8.

According to the returns, more than 70 per cent, of the total mortality is ascribed to fever. This is due mainly to the difficulty of diagnosing all but a few well-defined diseases. Cholera, dysentery, and small-pox are known, but most other complaints are classed indiscriminately as fever. It is impossible to say what proportion of the total is attributable to malarial affections, but it may safely be assumed that, wherever the mortality entered under ' fevers ' is unusually high, the greater part of the excess over the normal is due to their prevalence. On an average, about one-twelfth of the total mortality is due to cholera, but the prevalence of this disease varies greatly from year to year and from District to District. In 1898 it was responsible for less than i death per 1,000 of the population of the Province, but in 1900 the mortality from it rose to nearly 5 per 1,000. In the latter year it killed off nearly 24 persons in every 1,000 in Purnea, while in Bankura only i person in 4,000 died from the disease. Dysentery and diarrhoea account for barely a quarter as many deaths as cholera, while small-pox claims only I victim in every 5,000 persons yearly.

Plague first appeared in Bengal in 1898, when there were two out- breaks, one in Calcutta and the other in Backergunge*. In the early part of 1899 it again visited Calcutta, and there were also outbreaks in ten rural Districts ; and in the cold-season months of 1 900-1 the disease spread over a larger area, not less than 40,000 deaths being caused by it during that period. Plague has now become an annual visitation in many parts of the Province, altogether twenty-seven Dis- tricts being affected in 1905. In the eastern Districts the conditions^ whether of soil, climate, or habitations, seem to be inimical to the propagation of the microbe ; but in the north-western part of the Province, and particularly in the Patna Division, the disease has established itself firmly, coming and going with the seasons with

wonderful regularity, being most prevalent in the winter, and then practically disappearing or remaining dormant throughout the hot and rainy seasons, to recrudesce in September with the advent of the cold season. The mortality from plague in 1905 was the highest on record since it first broke out in 1898, the total number of deaths being 126,000, as against 75,000 in 1904 and 58,000 the average of the preceding quinquennium.

As in other parts of India, so also in Bengal, the infant mortality is very high, and it was estimated in 1891 by Mr. Hardy that only 71 per cent, of male and 75 per cent, of female children survive the first year of life. During the second year the mortality is believed to be only one-third as great as in the first year, and it then continues to fall rapid ly.

Vital Statistics as registered

The actual population shows a slight deficiency of females, who number only 998 to every 1,000 males ^ ; but if the effects of migration be discounted by considering only the natural population, i.e. the persons born in the Province, it appears that the females exceed the males in the ratio of 1,003 to 1,000. They are in marked excess in Bihar and Orissa and, to a less extent, in West Bengal and the Chota Nagpur plateau. East of the Bhaglrathi, where the Mongoloid element in the population is largest, they are in a considerable minority. There has been a steady decline in the proportion of females since 1881, due to the fact that the most progressive tracts are, generally speaking, those where males predominate, while many of the Districts with the largest proportion of the other sex are stationary or decadent. In urban areas females are generally in marked defect, and in Calcutta they are only half as numerous as the males.

The most striking fact brought out by the statistics of marriage is the universality of this institution. The number of persons, other than those suffering from some bodily or mental affliction, who go through life unmarried is extremely small. About half the total number of males were returned at the Census as unmarried, but of these four-fifths were under fifteen years of age. Only one-third of the female popula- ' In the present area of Bengal there are 1,015 females to every 1,000 males. tion was unnianied, and of these only 4 per cent, were over fifteen. The proportion of the widowed is about i in 25 in the case of males, but among females nearly i in every 5 is a widow.

The marriage practices vary greatly in different parts of the Province, especially in regard to females. The girls of the animistic tribes marry when they are about seventeen or eighteen years of age. Muhammadan girls marry earlier, but not so early as those of the Hindus, with whom marriage before puberty is the rule. In some parts of Bihar the Hindus give their children in wedlock much earlier than elsewhere, and in Darbhanga and the neighbourhood both boys and girls are frequently married before the age of five. Widows remarry most freely amongst the animistic tribes, and least so amongst the Hindus. Hindu widows of the higher castes are everywhere forbidden to take a second husband, and in Bengal proper the prohibition extends to all but the lowest castes. The result is that the proportion of Hindu women of child- bearing age who are widowed is nearly twice as great in this tract as elsewhere. In the Province as a whole the age at marriage is gradually rising, while the proportion of the widowed is diminishing. The former circumstance is due, in part at least, to a genuine change in the customs of the people. In Darbhanga and the neighbourhood, infant-marriage is as prevalent as ever, but elsewhere the tendency is to postpone the age at which girls are given in wedlock. The decline in the number of widows is due partly to the fact that the Muhammadans, animistic tribes, and low Hindu castes, who permit their widows to marry again, are increasing more rapidly than the section of the community that forbids them to do so, and partly to the effect of the preaching of the Maulvis amongst the Muhammadans and to the gradual disappearance of their old Hindu prejudices against widow marriage.

Polygamy is allowed among Hindus, Musalmans, and Animists alike, but in the case of the first-mentioned it is often accompanied by restric- tions ; many castes allow a man to take a second wife only when the first is barren or suffers from some incurable disease ; frequently the permission of the caste panchayat has to be obtained, and in some cases that of the elder wife. With the Muhammadans there are in theory no restrictions on the practice, so long as a man does not exceed the limit of four wives prescribed by the Prophet, but in practice the poorer classes at least are almost invariably monogamous. The fraternal form of polyandry, where a man's younger brothers share his wife, still survives amongst the Bhotias ; but it seems to be dying out. The woman is regarded as the wife of the elder brother, and the children that are born of her call him ' father ' and his brothers ' uncle.' The woman moreover can, if she wishes, withhold her favours from the younger brothers. A somewhat similar system prevails amongst the Santals.

Excluding immigrants, the languages spoken in Bengal belong to one or other of four linguistic families : Aryan, Dravidian, Munda or Kol- arian, and Tibeto-Burman. Of these, the languages of the Aryan family are by far the most important, being spoken by no less than 95 per cent, of the total population. The Munda family comes next, but^li^s speakers represent only 1 per cent, of the total, while the other two families each claim less than i per cent. The Aryan languages are spoken in the plains by almost the whole population, while those of the other families are current only in the hills or among recent settlers in the plains. The home of the Munda and Dravidian dialects is in the Chota Nagpur plateau. The Tibeto-Burman languages are found partly in Darjeeling and Sikkim and the adjoining District of Jalpai- guri*, and partly in the south-eastern corner of Bengal, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts* and Hill Tippera*. There are also a few scattered colonies of people speaking languages of this family in Dacca* and Mymensingh*. All these non-Aryan dialects are gradually dying out, and are being replaced by some Aryan form of speech. The main Aryan languages of Bengal are Bengali, Biharl, Eastern Hindi, and Oriya. The Census does not distinguish Bihari from Hindi. On the average, of every 1,000 persons in the Province, 528 speak Bengali, 341 Hindi (including Biharl), 79 Oriya, and i Khas, leaving only 51 persons per 1,000 for all the other languages put together.

Bengal proper, Bihar, and Orissa each has its own caste system, with many castes not found elsewhere, and in the north there are numerous representatives of the caste system of Nepal. Chota Nagpur is peopled mainly by Dravidian tribes who are still outside the pale of Hinduism, and on the eastern border there are many similar tribes of Mongoloid stock. The main characteristics of the Dravidians are a long head, a very broad bridgeless nose, a full round eye, thick protruding lips, hair inclined to be woolly, somewhat low stature, black colour, and absence of muscle on the limbs, especially the legs. The Mongoloid nose is also broad and bridgeless, but less so than the Dravidian ; the head is short, the eye oblique and narrow, the cheek-bones very promi- nent, the hair coarse and straight, the colour inclined to yellow, and the figure short and clumsy, but very muscular. The Aryan type, which is comparatively rare in Bengal, except among some sections of the higher castes, differs markedly from the others. The head is long, like the Dravidian, but the features are finely cut, and the thin nose in particular is characteristic ; the figure is tall and well shaped, and the hair is comparatively fine.

Owing to the size of the Province and the inclusion within its limits of the dissimilar tracts described above, the number of its castes and tribes is exceptionally great. There are 66 castes with 100,000 members, and 15 with a strength of more than a million: namely (in order of numbers), the Ahir (or Goala), Brahman, Kaibartta, Rajbansi (including Koch), Namasudra (Chandal), Santal, Chamar (including Muchi), Rajput, KurmT, Teli, Kayasth, Koiri, Dosadh, Babhan, and Bagdi. The Ahirs, who number nearly four millions, are by far the most numerous ; next follow the Brahmans with nearly three millions, the Kaibarttas with two and a half millions, and the Rajbansis with over two millions. The Brahmans and Kayasths are found everywhere, and so also are the Chamars, Telis, and Ahirs, though to a less extent ; the Rajputs, Kurmis, Koiris, Dosadhs, and Babhans are, in the main, Bihar castes. The home of the Kaibarttas and Bagdis is in West, of the Raj- bansis in North, and of the Namasiidras in East Bengal ; the Santals are one of the great non- Hindu tribes who inhabit the Chota Nagpur plateau.

The persons who described themselves at the Census as Hindus con- stitute 63 per cent, of the total population ^ of the Province, and the Muhammadans ) percent. ; all other religions taken together make up only 4 per cent, of the population. Hindus are most numerous in Bihar (excluding Malda* and East Purnea), Orissa, and West Bengal, and Muhammadans in the Districts lying east of the Bhagi- rathi and the Mahananda. The Musalmans of Bengal form more than two-fifths of the total number in India.

' In the present area of Bengal, Hindus constilute 7S per cent., Muhammadans 17 per cent., and other religions 5 per cent, of the population. The actual numerical increase since 1891 is about the same for both the main religions ; but compared with their previous strength, the followers of the Prophet have increased by nearly 8 per cent., while the Hindus have gained only 4 per cent. The most progressive part of the Province is that inhabited by Muhammadans, while Bihar, the stronghold of Hinduism, has returned a smaller population than in 1891 ; but this affords only a partial explanation of the figures, and the Muhammadans have gained ground in every Division as compared with their Hindu neighbours. The subject has been discussed at length in the Census Report for 1901, where it is shown that Islam gains to some extent through conversions from Hinduism, but chiefly on account of the greater prolificness of its adherents. They have a more nourishing dietary, their girls marry later, and they permit widow marriage. They are also, in Eastern Bengal, more prosperous than 4;he Hindus, as they have fewer prejudices about changing their residence and move freely to new alluvial formations, where the soil is exceptionally fertile. The advance made by Islam is to some extent obscured by the fact that Hinduism has itself been gaining new recruits from the ranks of the animistic tribes — the Santals, Mundas, Oraons, and other so-called aborigines. These tribes are very prolific, and yet the strength of the animistic religions has increased by only i per cent. The natural growth was probably at least 11 per cent., but this has been counter- balanced by conversions to Christianity and Hinduism. Christianity has taken some 60,000 during the decade. The rest (about 200,000) have entered the fold of Hinduism.

The conventional divisions of Hinduism are better known to the readers of textbooks than to the people themselves. In Bengal proper and Orissa, where the Vaishnava reformer, Chaitanya, gained a great following, the people may often give a definite reply to the question, whether they are followers of Vishnu or of Siva and his wife ; but in Bihar it would be extremely difficult to collect accurate information on the subject. Moreover, it is only the members of the highest castes who concentrate their worship on the deities of the orthodox Hindu pantheon. The everyday religion of the lower orders consists largely of the propitiation of a host of minor deities and spirits. The personi- fied powers of nature — the Earth, Sun, planets, and certain mountains and rivers — are worshipped everywhere ; deified heroes are the main objects of veneration in many parts of Bihar, while in West and part of North Bengal snake-worship is widely prevalent. Farther east various aboriginal deities are adored as forms of the goddess Kali. In addition, almost every village has its special tutelary spirits, who preside over the welfare of the community and have their home in a tree or sacred grove somewhere within its precincts. There are again numerous disembodied spirits of persons who have met with a painful or violent death, e.g. of women who died in childbirth or of persons killed by wild animals.

These hover round the scene of their former existence and cause various kinds of illness and misfortune, and they thus require to be propitiated. In the quaint and childish ceremonial observed at the worship and propitiation of these demons and spirits, the Brahman has, as a rule, no place.

A third aspect of the amorphous collection of religious ideas known as Hinduism is furnished by the followers of the different persons who have from time to time set themselves up, sometimes as inspired teachers, but more often as incarnations of the supreme deity. The Kartabhajas, for example, regard their founder, a man of the Sadgop caste, as an incarnation of the Divinity, and his descendants are held in equal veneration. The exhibition of fervid love is the only form of religious exercise practised by them, and indescribable excesses are said to take place at their secret nocturnal meetings.

The religion of the uneducated majority of the people is a mixture of Hinduism and Animism, in which the belief in evil spirits is the main ingredient. There must be something tangible to represent a beneficent or even a malignant spirit, on which vermilion can be rubbed, over which a libation can be poured, and before which a fowl, goat, or pig can be sacrificed. Accordingly, the simple villagers set up a shapeless stone or block, or even a mound of mud, to represent the spirit whom they worship, while side by side with it is a temple dedicated to one of the regular gods of the Hindu pantheon. The architecture of these temples varies greatly in different parts of the Province. In Bihar their dis- tinguishing feature is a tall pyramidal spire, the outline of which appears originally to have been determined by the natural bend of two bamboos, planted apart in the ground, and drawn together at the top. In Lower Bengal the temples are dome-shaped structures, with a peculiar hog- backed roof, which has obviously been modelled on the form of the ordinary Bengali huts surrounding them.

The Muhammadans of Bengal are mostly, in name at least, Sunnis. But the great majority are of Hindu origin, and their knowledge of the faith they now profess seldom extends beyond the three cardinal doc- trines of the Unity of God, the Mission of Muhammad, and the Truth of the Koran. It was, until recently, the regular practice of low-class Muhammadans to join in the Durga Pilja and other Hindu festivals, and, although they have been purged of many superstitions, many still remain. In particular, they are very careful about omens and auspicious days. Dates for weddings are often fixed after consulting a Hindu astrologer ; bamboos are not cut, and the building of new houses not commenced, on certain days of the week, and journeys are often under- taken only after referring to the Hindu almanac to see if the proposed day is auspicious. When disease is prevalent, Sltala and Rakshya Kali are worshipped. I )harmaraj and Manasa or Bishaharl are also venerated by many ignorant Muhammadans. SashthI is worshipped when a child is born. Even now in some parts of Bengal they observe the Durga Puja and buy new clothes for the festival like the Hindus.

In Bihar they join in the worship of the Sun, and when a child is born they light a fire and place cactus and a sword at the door to prevent the demon Jawan from entering and killing the infant. At marriages the bride- groom frequently follows the Hindu practice of smearing the bride's forehead with vermilion. Offerings are made to the grainya devatd (' village god ') before sowing or transplanting rice seedlings, and exor- cism is resorted to in case of sickness. These practices are gradually disappearing, but they die hard, and amulets containing a text from the Koran are commonly worn, even by the Mullas who inveigh against these survivals of Hindu beliefs.

Apart from Hindu superstitions, there are certain forms of worship common among Muhammadans which are not based on the Koran. The most common of these is the adoration of departed Pirs. When a holy man departs from this life, he is popularly believed to be still present in spirit, and his tomb becomes a place of pilgrimage to which persons resort for the cure of disease or the exorcism of evil spirits, or to obtain the fulfilment of some cherished wish. The educated stoutly deny that Pirs are worshipped, and say that they are merely asked to intercede with God, but among the lower classes it is very doubtful if this distinction is recognized. Closely allied to the adoration of Pirs is the homage paid to certain mythical persons, among whom Khwaja Khizr stands pre-eminent. This personage appears to have been a pre-Islamic hero of the Arabs, and he is believed at the present day to reside in the seas and rivers of India and to protect mariners from shipwreck.

These unorthodox beliefs are violently inveighed against by numerous reformers, most of whom owe their inspiration to Ibn Abdul Wahhab of Nejd in Arabia, who, early in the eighteenth century, founded the sect called Wahhabi. He rejected the glosses of the Imams, denied the superiority of the Ottoman Sultan, made comparatively light of the authority of Muhammad, and insisted on the necessity for waging war against all infidels. His followers in India at the present day do not accept all his views, and many now hold that India is not a country in which war against the infidels is lawful. But they are all united in their opposition to non-Islamic superstitions, and in many places they seem to have succeeded to a great extent in eradicating them.

In Eastern Bengal the Wahhabi movement met with considerable success during the nineteenth century. The principal local reformers were Dudhu Mian and Karamat All. The adherents of both are known as Farazis, or followers of the law ; but there is a considerable differencebetween them, the latter being pure revivahsts, while the former sub- scribe to the extreme views of the original Wahhabis regarding infidels. The aggregate Christian population in 1901 was 278,366, compared with 192,484 in 1 89 1. Of the total number, 27,489, or 9-9 per cent., belong to European and allied races; 23,114, or 8'3 per cent., are Eurasians ; and 227,763, or 8i-8 per cent., are native converts or their descendants. About nine-tenths of the Europeans are of British nation- ality. The great increase of the Christian population during the decade is due to new conversions, especially in Chota Nagpur, and more par- ticularly in Ranchi, where the German Lutheran missionaries have met with great success. This District now contains 124,958 Christians, against 75,693 only ten years ago. Some other Districts in the Province which show a noteworthy increase in the number of Christians are noted below : —

The return of sects shows that 165,528 are Protestants and 108,194 Roman Catholics ; the balance consists of persons who failed to specify their sect, and Armenians, &c. Of the Protestants, 61,024 belong to the Anglican communion, 69,580 are Lutherans, 21,621 Baptists, and 6,691 Presbyterians. The remainder belong to various miscellaneous sects.

The great centre of Roman Catholic missionary enterprise in this Province is Ranchi, where three-fifths of the total number of converts are found. The next largest community of Roman Catholic native Christians is in Dacca*, where they exceed 10,000 (partly descended from Portuguese settlers in the seventeenth century) ; the number is also considerable in Calcutta, the Twenty-four Parganas, Nadia, and Champaran. The mission in the last-mentioned District is the oldest of all, dating from 1740.

Of the Protestant missions the best known and most successful is that in Ranchi, which was started in 1845 by six German missionaries, under the name of Gossner's Mission. An unfortunate disagreement took place twenty-three years later, and the mission was split up into two sections, the one enrolling itself under the Society for the Propa- gation of the Gospel, and the other retaining the original designation. The first mission of the Church of England was started in Burdwan in 1816 ; but the success here has not been so great as that of the offshoot of Gossner's Mission in Ranchi, which has already been mentioned, nor as that in the adjoining District of Nadia, which was founded by thChurch Missionary Society in 1831, and now claims nearly 6,000 native Christians. Among other missions of the Church of England, those in the Twenty-four Parganas, Calcutta, and the Santal Parganas are the most successful. The Baptists have their head-quarters in the swamps of Backergunge* and Faridpur*, where they have been working among the Chandals since 1824. The number of their converts now exceeds 7,000. The Cuttack mission, founded in 1822, claims 2,000 con- verts. The missionaries of the Church of Scotland have been at work since 1870 in Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri* Districts with a fair measure of success.

So far as the Anglican Church is concerned, the whole of Bengal, with the exception of Chota Nagpur, which is under an Assistant Bishop, lies in the diocese directly administered by the Bishop of Calcutta, the Metropolitan of India. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Roman Catholic Church vests in an Archbishop resident in Calcutta, who has suffragan sees at Krishnagar and Dacca*; but cer- tain small communities of Portuguese origin are under the Portuguese Vicar-General of Bengal.

Of the other religions returned at the Census it will suffice to mention the Buddhists, numbering about a quarter of a million, found mainly on the confines of Burma and Nepal; the Jains (7,831), who are chiefly immigrant traders; and the Brahmos or Hindu Theists (3,171).

The most striking feature of the return of occupation is the very large proportion of persons who are dependent on agriculture. Nearly two-thirds of the population are either landlords or tenants ; 6 per cent, have been returned as agricultural labourers ; and of the 7 per cent, shown as general labourers the great majority must also be mainly dependent on agriculture. About 1 2 per cent, of the total population (including dependents) are engaged in the preparation and supply of material substances ; and of these half find a livelihood by the provision of food and drink, and a fifth by making and dealing in textile fabrics and dress. Domestic and sanitary services provide employment for very few, the number of persons who support themselves in this way being barely 2 per cent, of the population, or less than a third of the proportion so employed in England and Wales. Commerce, transport.and storage provide employment for 2 persons in every 100, of whom rather more than half are engaged on transport and storage, and slightly less than half on commerce. Professions, including the priesthood, are the means of subsistence of less than 2 persons per 100.

In East Bengal the cultivator takes as a rule three meals a day. He begins in the early morning with rice left over from the previous night's supper, parched or popped rice, and jack-fruit or mango when in season. The midday and evening meals have boiled rice as their foundation, and with it are mixed pulses of different kinds, fish, or vegetables. Muhammadans eat meat when they can afford it. Among the poorer classes in Bihar conditions are very different. The principal meal is taken at nightfall and consists of some coarse grain, such as maize or a millet, boiled into a porridge. A lighter meal of the same diet is taken at midday, but only the well-to-do enjoy two full meals a day. In Orissa rice again forms the staple diet, but the cultivator is content with a full meal in the evening of rice boiled with a little salt, some pulse or vegetables, and perhaps fish ; in the morning he eats cold the remains of the evening meal. In Chota Nagpur a cold meal is taken at noon, and a hot supper in the evening ; the food consists sometimes of rice or maize, but more commonly of a millet such marua {Eleusine coracand) or gondli {Panicun miliare\ pulses, oil, vegetables, &c. These are eked out with jungle fruits and roots, and especially with the blossoms of the tnahua tree {Bassia latifolid) when in season.

The garments commonly worn by men are the dhoti or waist cloth and the chddar or loose cloth worn over the shoulders ; those who can afford it wear piran or coat. Among the strict Farazi Muhammadans of Eastern Bengal, the dhoti is worn as a lungi or kilt, and is frequently of coloured cloth. Muhammadans wear a skull-cap, and Hindus a pagri. In Bihar the poorer classes wear only the dhoti, and the pagri is reserved for special occasions. For women the sari is almost uni- versal, one end being worn over the head and shoulders and fastened to the waist-piece ; a bodice is added by those who can afford it, and is commonly worn even by women of the poorest class in North Bihar. In the towns the men wear an English shirt over the dhoti, the tails hanging loose, and a chddar over the shoulders ; English socks, loose slippers or shoes, and an umbrella complete the costume. In the fields the agriculturist is content with an exiguous rag round his loins, and in Eastern Bengal a large wicker shield, and in Orissa a wicker hat, protects him from the weather. Girls up to the age of three and boys up to five years generally go naked. All but the very poorest women wear ornaments on wrist, neck, and ankle ; these are generally of silver, brass, or lac.

The houses in Lower Bengal are not congregated into villages, but each homestead stands in its own orchard of fruit and pahn trees.The sites have been laboriously raised by excavation, which has left tanks in every compound ; and the houses are erected on mud plinths and built round a courtyard with wooden or bamboo posts and interlaced walls of split bamboo, with thatched roofs resting on a bamboo framework. The whole is encircled with a bamboo fence, and sometimes by a moat and a thorny cane or cactus hedge. In Bihar the compounds are smaller, and where the fields are low the houses cluster thickly on the raised village sites ; the walls are of mud and the roof tiled or thatched. In the uplands of Bihar, and in Chota Nagpur and Orissa, the home- steads are separate, though they generally adjoin one another ; each house is surrounded by a well-manured patch of castor, tobacco, or some other valuable crop.

The Hindus bury small children who die during the first year after birth ; all others are nominally burnt, but where fuel is scarce the cremation is often far from complete, and sometimes consists only of putting a few lighted sticks in the mouth and on the face, after which the corpse is thrown into the nearest river. In tracts near the Ganges it is the practice to carry dead bodies to burning ghats on its banks, and in all parts it is considered right that the ashes and main bones should be thrown into the sacred stream. The Muhammadans bury their dead, and so do the Jugis of Eastern Bengal and various sects of ascetics, and also the low castes and most aboriginal tribes. The Jugis place the corpse in a sitting position, with the legs crossed in the conventional attitude of Buddha, and the face turned towards the north-east.

The chief amusement of the people lies in attending the fairs which are held all over the Province. These gatherings are at stated seasons, generally in connexion with some bathing festival or other religious ceremony, and are attended by numerous hawkers, who set up booths for the sale of miscellaneous articles, by religious mendicants, jugglers, conjurers, actors, and musicians, all of whom contribute their quota to the entertainment of the crowd. Every market is thronged by gaily dressed crowds, who exchange the gossip of the day and discuss the latest cause celebre while making their weekly purchases. The great annual religious festivals afford an excuse for merry gatherings, espe- cially at the New Year in April, when numbers congregate in the fields and amuse themselves with wrestling, hook-swinging, which now takes the form of a merry-go-round, and gossip. Every one goes mad with merriment at the Holi festival, and many Musalmans enjoy the fun as much as the Hindus. Their own religious festivals are attended by devout worshippers ; they are very fond of religious discussions, and immense crowds gather when famous Maul vis are pitted against each other to argue some knotty point of law or practice. Football is by farthe most popular outdoor game, and huge crowds assemble on the Calcutta maiddn to watch games under Association rules, at wliich Bengali boys are remarkably proficient. Among the aboriginal tribes hunting, cock-fighting, bull-baiting, drinking bouts, and saturnalian dancing are the chief amusements.

Hindu names are threefold. The third name is a family or caste title, such as, among others, Mukhopadhyaya (contracted to Mukharji) or Achariya in the case of a Brahman, Das for a Kayasth, Singh for a Rajput. The first two names are appellative, and the middle name is often dropped in actual intercourse. In Bihar there is generally no middle name. Common affixes denoting a town are -abdd, -pur, and -nagar ; -garh means a fort, -ganj a market, -gaoii or -gram a village, and -bdgh a garden : e.g. Murshidabad, Chandpur, Krishnagar, Rohtas- garh, Sirajganj, Bangaon, Kurigram, Hazaribagh,

Agriculture

The general characteristics which distinguish agricultural conditions in Bengal are a regular and copious rainfall, a fertile soil, and a dense population subsisting on the produce of the land ; .

but within the Province conditions are by no means uniform, and the important factors of soil, surface, and rainfall vary widely in different localities. The soils may be classed as either gneissic, old alluvium, or recent alluvium, the first two classes being found for the most part to the west, and the last to the east, of the 88th degree of longitude, which passes a few miles west of Calcutta and Darjeeling. The gneissic tract comprises the Chota Nagpur plateau and portions of the neighbouring Districts. Laterite soils are to be found sloping upwards towards the interior from beneath the old alluvium of Orissa and of West Bengal, and overlying part of the Chota Nagpur plateau. For agricultural purposes the whole of this western tract, comprising the sub-province of Bihar with the exception of Malda District*, the Chota Nagpur Division, and the Burdwan Division with the exception of Hooghly and Howrah Districts, may be distinguished from the eastern tract of recent alluvium which includes the excepted Districts, the Rajshahi*, Presidency, and Dacca* Divisions, the greater part of the Chittagong Division*, and the coast-line of Orissa. Hie gneissic, laterite, and old alluvial soils are alike mainly dependent upon artificial manures to maintain their fertility, whereas the recent alluvium is periodically fertilized by fresh deposits of silt from the overflowing rivers. The latter process is most active in Eastern Bengal, in the deltas of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra, whose waters possess the fertilizing properties of the Nile.

The conformation of the surface in the old and the new alluvium is widely different, the former being in process of denudation and the latter of formation. In the tract covered by new alluvium the periodical deposits of river Silt maintain a perfectly level surface, which is eminently

VOL. VII. R adapted for rice cultivation. The surface of the old alluvium, on the other hand, is broken by the scouring action of the rivers and of surface drainage, and the level of the country rises and falls in parallel waves at right angles to the watershed, the crest of each wave lying midway be- tween two rivers. In order to make this undulating surface fit for rice cultivation, an elaborate system of small terraces and low embankments has to be constructed to hold up the rain-water. Where the gradient is steep, the expense of this terracing is prohibitive, and on such slopes rice is generally replaced by some less thirsty crop.

There are of course local exceptions to this broad classification of soils and surface conditions. In North Bihar, for instance, there are numerous saucer-shaped depressions, sometimes of considerable extent, in which rice thrives. The soil in these depressions is generally a strong clay, with a much smaller admixture of sand than is found in the higher uplands which mark the deposits of some ancient river. Again, in the broad belt of hilly country which surrounds the Chota Nagpur plateau, rice can be grown only in the valleys. The hill slopes are steep, and are covered with forest and dense undergrowth, except where they have been artificially cleared. Scanty crops of millets and pulses are raised in patches on the hill-sides ; and where the forest has been recently cleared, the primitive form of nomadic culture known as jhum is practised, as it is also in the Chittagong Hill Tracts*.

The distinction between the east and west of the Province, due to the difference in soils and surface, is accentuated by the unequal distribution of rainfall, which is generally far less regular and copious in the west than in the east. The annual fall in the western tract averages only 52 inches, as compared with 73 inches in the east. Rain commences much earlier in North and East Bengal than it does farther west, and heavy showers in April and May facilitate the cultivation of jute and early rice. Moreover, the average yearly humidity in the east, including Orissa, is 86 per cent., as compared with only 74 per cent, in the west of the Province.

Not only do the eastern Districts receive a great deal more rain, but, owing to the annual overflow of the great rivers that traverse them, they remain practically under water for six months in the year, and the people live on little island mounds and can move about only by boat. The surface of this tract is low and flat, and much of it is covered with huge marshes where rice and jute luxuriate. In fact, in the east of the Province rice and jute are grown almost exclusively, the former occupy- ing two-thirds, and both together no less than three-fourths, of the gross cropped area.

In the west all this is changed. Rice is still the principal crop, but the rainfall is often insufficient to bring it to maturity, and has to be supplemented by artificial irrigation ; fortunately the broken surfaceadmits of water storage, and there are numerous small streams which can be dannned. The products are far more varied ; there is very little jute, and rice accounts for only half the cultivated area, the other crops most extensively grown being maize, barley, wheat, oilseeds, mania {E/eusine coracana), and gram. The most striking contrast to the monotony of cropping in East Bengal is furnished by West Bihar, where an astonishing variety of staples is raised, and where it is by no means unusual to find four crops, such as gram, wheat, sesamum, and linseed, grown together in the same field.

Reference has already been made to the nomadic form of cultiva- tion locally known as jhum. A piece of forest land, generally on a hill- side, is selected in April ; the luxuriant undergrowth of shrubs and creepers is cleared away, and the felled jungle is left to dry till May and is then burnt. At the approach of the rains, small holes are made, and into each is put a handful of mixed seeds, usually cotton, rice, melons, pumpkins, maize, and yams. The crops ripen in succession, the harvest ending with the cotton in October. After a year or two the ground becomes choked with weeds and is abandoned for a new- clearance, where the same process is repeated.

In the Darjeeling Himalayas steep mountain slopes are terraced and revetted with stone for rice cultivation, wherever water is available for irrigation ; elsewhere the mountain-sides are sown with maize or millets. In the Rajmahal hills the level crests are cultivated with the ordinary plains crops, and it is not uncommon in these parts to find rice flourishing on a hill-top.

More than 56 millions, or 71 per cent, of the entire population of Bengal, are supported by agriculture; and of every 100 agriculturists 89 are rent-paying tenants, 9 are agricultural labourers, and 2 live on their rents. The proportion of field-labourers varies widely in different parts, being as high as 16 per cent, of the agricultural population in the Patna Division, and as low as 2 per cent, in the Dacca Division*. The agriculturists are far better off in the east of the Province than in the west. Not only are their profits much higher, especially from the very lucrative jute crop, but they enjoy a far larger measure of rights in the soil.

No record is maintained in Bengal of the cropping of each field from year to year, and accurate statistics of agriculture are not available. The District officers furnish periodical estimates to the Agricultural department of the areas in each District under each of the more important crops, and it is upon these estimates that the agricultural statistics of the Province are based. These are not sufficiently accurate to form the basis of a reliable comparison between the results of successive years, except in the case of such crops as jute and indigo, to which special attention is devoted. Such as they are, they apply to the whole of British territory, excluding the Chittagong Hill Tracts*and the Sundarbans. They show that of the total area' of 146,132 square miles, 76,454 square miles, or 52-5 per cent., were cropped in 1903-4. Of the remainder, 4,372 square miles, or 3 per cent, of the whole, were covered with forests, 35,263 square miles (24-1 per cent.) were not available for cultivation, 19,470 square miles, or 13-3 per cent., were cultivable waste other than fallow, and 10,573 square miles (7-2 per cent.) were fallow. An area of 16,925 square miles, or 22 per cent, of the cultivated area, was returned as cropped more than once in the year.

Food-crops occupy 82 per cent, of the gross cropped area ; 6 per cent, is under oilseeds,per cent, under fibres, and sugar-cane and tobacco each occupy about i per cent. Of the food-crops, rice is by far the most important, as it occupies 54,690 square miles, or 71 per cent, of the net cropped area. Next come various cereals and pulses with 11-^ per cent., and these are followed by maize (4 per cent.), wheat and barley (3 per cent, each), and gram and tnarua (2 per cent, each). Among the non-food-crops, jute (5 per cent.) occupies an area second only to that of rice. Of the oilseeds, rape and mustard, together covering 3,125 square miles, are grown most extensively.

There are innumerable varieties of rice, each possessing special characteristics which adapt its cultivation to particular localities. They may all, however, be classified, according to the harvesting season, under three main heads : the winter rice, occupying 42,970 square miles; the early rice, 10,940 square miles; and the spring crop, 780 square miles.

The wanter rice is grown on low land. A piece of high ground is usually selected for a seed nursery, ploughed in May or June after the first rain, and sown broadcast. In July or August the seedlings are transplanted to flooded fields, which have been ploughed and re- ploughed till the whole surface is reduced to mud, and the crop is harvested between November and January. In the swamps of Eastern Bengal, however, a variety of long-stemmed rice is sown broadcast after one or two ploughings ; by harvest-time the fields are several feet under water, and the rice, which rises with the flood-level, is reaped from boats, the ears only being cut. In West Bihar the fields are drained in September when the rice is flowering, and flooded when the grain is forming in October. It is this practice, known as nigarh, which makes

' In Bengal as now constituted, the net cropped area was 54,138 square miles, or 49-1 per cent, of the total area of 110,217 square miles. Of the remainder, 4,419 square miles, or4 per cent, of the whole, were covered with forests, 26,161 square miles (23.7 per cent.) were not available for cultivation, 16,421 square miles (14-9 per cent.) were cultivable waste other than fallow, and 9,078 square miles (8.3 per cent.) were fallow. Altogether 10,369 square miles, or 9-4 per cent, of the net cropped area, were returned as cropped more than once in the yearainfall or artificial irrigation in the beginning of October essential to a successful harvest.

The early rice is generally sown broadcast in April or May, though it is occasionally transplanted ; the crop is harvested in August or September. Spring rice is grown on the low banks of rivers or on the edges of swamps. The seed is sown in a nursery in October and trans- planted a month later ; the crop is harvested in March and April. The yield per acre of cleaned rice is estimated at 11-02 cwt. for winter rice and 7-34 cwt. for the early and spring crops. This is the average yield for the Province ; in the rich rice swamps of Eastern Bengal the return is at least half as much again, while on the sterile uplands of Chota Nagpur not half this estimate is realized. Unhusked rice or paddy yields about three-fifths of its weight as cleaned rice.

Maize occupies 3,125 square miles, mainly in Bihar and Chota Nagpur, and in Darjeeling District. It is a valuable food-crop, yield- ing 7-34 cwt. per acre; it is sown in June and harvested in September or October. Wheat and barley each cover about 2,344 square miles, and both are grown principally in Bihar, barley thriving best north of the Ganges, and wheat south of that river ; both are sown in November and reaped in March. The out-turn of wheat is estimated at 8-8i cwt. to the acre for Bihar, 7-7 1 cwt. for Bengal, and 4-04 cwt. for Chota Nagpur, the average for the Province being 5'87 cwt. The normal yield of barley is 7-88 cwt. per acre. Gram {Cicer arietmutn) is a pulse which thrives on clay soils, and is grown on over 1,560 square miles, principally in Bihar and Central Bengal. It is in the ground from November to March, and yields about 7-88 cwt, to the acre. Marud is a valuable millet which occupies nearly 1,560 square miles in Bihar and Chota Nagpur. It is sown in July and reaped in November, and the average yield is 7-34 cwt. per acre, /ozvar {Sorghum vulgare) and l>ajra or spiked millet {Pemiisetu?n iyphoideum) are grown in Bihar and Chota Nagpur; they are sown in July and reaped in November-December, and yield about 7-34 cwt. per acre. Jotvdr is grown as a fodder-crop in Central Bengal.

More than 1,562 square miles, principally in Bihar, are under various cereals and pulses, which are sown in November and reaped in March or April. Among these are the china millet {Faniaim 7)iiliaceufn), peas, lentils, kalai {phaseolus radiatus), kiirthi {Dolichos biflorus\ and khesari {Lathyrus saiivus). Some other cereals and pulses are sown in July and reaped in December. These occupy 1,953 square miles, and include rahar {Cajanus indicus), gondii {Panicuin miliare), kodon {Paspalum scrobiculatum a species of kalai, and urd {Fhaseolus Roxburghii).

Jute is commercially the most important crop in the Province, and its cultivation is developing rapidly. In 1872 it occupied less than 1,560 square miles, while at the present time the normal area is probably not far short of 3,900 square miles, and the exports in 1 900-1, a bumper year, were valued at 14 millions sterling. The tract in North and East Bengal which lies between 23° and 26° 30' N. and 88° and 91° E. is by far the largest jute-growing area in the world. The crop is sown in April and reaped in August, and, after retting, the fibre is baled to save freight. The chief centres of the jute trade and baling are Narayan- GANj*, SiRAjGANj*, and Chandpur*. The average yield per acre is estimated at 10-71 cwt.

The various oilseeds are commercially important, and collectively occupy nearly 6,250 square miles. Rape and mustard account for more than half this area, and are grown extensively in North Bengal and Mymensingh*. Linseed is commonly grown as a catch-crop after the winter rice has been reaped. Other oilseeds are /// or gingelly {Sesamum indicum), castor, and sarguja or niger-seed {Giiizotia al>Yssi/iica), the latter grown largely in Chota Nagpur. These are mostly spring crops, sown in October and harvested in March. Rape, mustard, and linseed yield about 4-41 cwt. per acre, and the other crops about 3-12 cwt.

Sugar-cane, with 1,020 square miles, is usually planted in February or March and occupies the ground for ten or eleven months ; the normal out-turn is 22 cwt. per acre. The juice is boiled and sold as gur or jaggery, and is also refined into sugar ; large refineries have recently been started at Ottur in Muzaffarpur, and elsewhere in North- West Bihar, where the cultivation of sugar-cane is to some extent replacing indigo. Tobacco is grown everywhere in small quantities and occupies 780 square miles ; it is cultivated on a large scale in Rangpur* and the neighbouring Districts of North Bengal, whence the leaf is exported to Burma and made into cigars. The produce varies from 4-41 to 8-82 cwt. per acre in Bengal, and from 11-75 ^o i4'69 cwt. in Bihar; it is sown in November and reaped in March.

Indigo occupies 390 square miles, chiefly in North Bihar, though it is still cultivated in Central Bengal ; the area is shrinking, as the natural dye suffers from competition with the artificial substitute. Indigo is sown in March, and the leaf is cut in July and again in September ; the yield of dye varies from 12 lb. per acre in Bengal to 20 lb. in Bihar. The general practice is for the planter to take a lease of a village, and then arrange with the cultivators to grow indigo, assisting them with seed and cash advances, though in some places the villagers grow it independently and sell it to the factory by weight.

The poppy is grown in West Bihar, and to a small extent in Chota Nagpur, and occupies 390 square miles. It is cultivated with the help of Government advances, and the opium is sold at a fixed rate to Government, as will be described in the section on Miscellaneous Revenue. The seed is sown in November, and the crop is collected in March and April ; the yield varies from 10 lb. to 18 lb. per acre. Cotton is little grown ; there is none in the plains of Bengal proper, and else- where it occupies only about 125 square miles. One crop is sown in July and harvested in November, and another is sown in October and harvested in April. Tea is cultivated on a large scale only in Jalpai- GURi*, Darjeeling, and Chittagong* ; in 1903 there were 422 gardens, with a total area of 210 square miles and an out-turn of 51,000,000 lb. The average yield from mature plants is 367 lb. per acre ; but the out-turn varies in different parts, averaging 453 lb. an acre in Jalpaiguri*, 313 lb. in Chittagong*, and 288 lb. or less elsewhere. The value of the crop in 1901 was \\ crores, and the average price per pound in the same year was 5^ annas, compared with 7-| annas twelve years previously. This disastrous fall in prices is due mainly to over- production ; but during the last two or three years there have been very few fresh extensions of tea cultivation, and it may be hoped that better times are in store for this important industry. Gdnja {Cannabis sativa) is a Government monopoly and is grown on 1,100 acres in Rajshahi District*; the yield varies from 10 to 21 cwt. per acre. It is sown in August and harvested in February.

Among non-food-crops grown in the rains are hemp and mulberry, the latter chiefly in Malda*, Murshidabad, Rajshahi*, and Bogra*. In the winter are grown condiments, such as chillies {Capsicum frutescens) and onions, the safflower dye, and oats, which are generally used for fodder. Turmeric is sown in June and harvested in March, and ginger is sown in June and harvested from December to February. The pan creeper {Pipe?- Betle) is planted in May or June in a thatched enclosure, and the leaves are ready for picking in twelve months. Among other condiments are garlic, coriander, cumin, and aniseed. Large areas are given up to thatching grasses, such as 7(lu grass {Imperata arundifiacea) and kiis {Saccharum spontaneum). In the Santal Parganas and parts of Chota Nagpur sabai grass {Ischaemum angustifolitwi) grows on the hilly slopes and is carefully preserved ; it is used locally for twine and rope, and it is also extensively employed in the manufacture of paper. Reeds, such as the hogla {Typha elephantina), nal {Amphidonax Kaika)^ and slialpdti {Phryniiim dicho/o/ninn), are extensively grown and woven into mats.

A strong prejudice exists against night-soil or bonemeal as manure, and chemical manures are practically unknown. Cattle-dung is used wherever it can be spared, but it is largely burned as fuel, and little or no use is made of the urine. The feeding of the cattle is also so poor that their dung is not rich in manurial constituents. House- sweepings are freely utilized, generally in the form of ashes. What little manure is available is mostly applied close to the homesteads for garden crops, and for maize, tobacco, castor, and poppy. Castor and mustard-cake are occasionally used as a top-dressing for sugar-cane and potatoes. In East Bengal rice straw is sometimes burnt as a manure, and sugar-cane, garden crops, potatoes, and tobacco are generally manured, though the quantity applied is very small. In Bihar refuse indigo is used with avidity where it is available in the neighbourhood of factories, and pond mud is very highly valued.

Clay soils grow winter rice year after year ; occasionally a catch-crop of khesdri is taken as a fodder, or, if the land continues moist until harvest time, it may be ploughed and sown in East Bengal with kalai, and in Bihar with gram and peas or barley. Lighter soils generally bear two crops in] the year — in the rainy season, early rice or jute in North and Lower Bengal, and maize or some of the inferior millets in Bihar or Chota Nagpur ; in the winter a pulse or an oilseed in Bengal, and a mixture of various pulses and oilseeds with wheat or barley in Bihar. Potatoes often follow maize in Bihar, and jute or early rice in North and Lower Bengal, and jute itself is sometimes rotated with early rice. Sugar-cane is an exhausting crop and is generally rotated with rice. The mixture of pulses and cereals serves the purpose of rotation, as the pulses belong to the leguminous family and enrich the soil with nitrogen.

Among the cultivated fruits are the mango {Mangifera i/idiai), plantain {Musa sapientu/n), pineapple {Ana?iassa sativa), jack -fruit {Ariocarpus integri/olia), guava {Psydium pomiferum), custard-apple {A?iona squa- mosa), llchl {Nephelium Litchi), and several varieties of fig and melon. Many parts of East Bengal are studded with coco-nut plantations. The mangoes of Darbhanga and Malda* enjoy a high reputation. Vegetables are everywhere cultivated in garden plots for household use, and also on a larger scale in the neighbourhood of large towns. The favourite are the egg-plant or baigiai {So/anian Melongena), ground-nut [Trichosanthes dioicd), pumpkin {Lagenaria vulgaris), gourd {Betiincasa cerifera), and anon {Colocasia Antiqiwruvi) grown in the rains, while in the winter potatoes, yams, melons, and radishes are largely cultivated. Cauliflowers and cabbages are also common, and spinach and onions are universal. Potatoes are extensively grown on the rich soils bordering the Ganges in east Bihar, and in the Hooghly and Burdwan Districts of West Bengal; they yield about 2 tons to the acre.

There has been a steady increase of cultivation during the last twenty years, but the earlier statistics were so defective that they do not afford evidence of this increase. Tillage is extended by felling the forests on upland tracts and in the submontane tarai, by reclaiming the sandy islands which are constantly forming in the big rivers, by embanking lands in the littoral tracts, and by cultivating the swamps of Eastern Bengal, the level of which is being gradually raised by silt deposits.

An Agricultural Institute under the (Government of India has been opened at POsa in Darbhanga District. Experimental farms under the superintendence of the Agricultural department are established at SiBPUR, BuRDWAN, and Dumraon, and demonstration farms have recently been started at Chittagong* and Angul. Experiments have been made with improved varieties of rice, wheat, sugar-cane, and potatoes, and with manures for these crops ; the cultivation of potatoes has been extended, and Burdwan sugar-canes have been introduced into Bihar. Useful work has been done in the direction of stimulating the out-turn of raw silk, by training the rearers to eradicate pebrine and other diseases of the silkworm. An agricultural class is attached to the Sibpur Engineering College, but it has not been successful ; it is to be moved to Pusa. The department has recently extended its sphere of activity in many directions. Special investigations have been made into the alleged deterioration of jute, efforts have been made to extend the cultivation of cotton, aid has been given to indigo research operations, and an experimental farm has been started at Cuttack to show cultivators what can be done with water always at command. Besides this, agri- cultural associations, working in co-operation with the department, have been established in order to help it with advice, to disseminate agricul- tural knowledge by communicating the results of its operations to the people, and to awaken further interest in the development of the agriculture of the Province. A Central Association has been formed at Calcutta, and Divisional and District Associations are being formed in the interior, which will work in concert with this central body.

Loans are rarely taken from Government, and in 1903-4 the total sum amounted to only 3-6 lakhs, of which nearly half was advanced in Palamau District. It is too early to pronounce an opinion on the prospects of the Agricultural banks which have recently been started ; but 58 banks are now in existence, and some of them seem to be working successfully.

Little attention has been directed in Bengal to the subject of the indebtedness of the cultivators, and in the Province generally the question has never reached an acute stage. In a great part of Bengal proper a system akin to peasant proprietorship prevails, and the rich profits of jute cultivation are shared by all the cultivating classes. In Bihar and Chota Nagpur the peasantry are as a class impoverished, but there is little evidence to show the extent of their indebtedness. In Chota Nagpur and the Santal Parganas, the Bengali money-lender at one time threatened to oust the improvident aborigines from their lands ; but land transfer to Bengalis has now been prohibited, and the prohibition is strictly enforced at the time of rent .settlement. In various parts of the Province a survey and record-of-rights are in progress, which aim at securing to the ryots the fixity of status and the immunity from arbitrary enhancement which the Tenancy Act prescribes, and the Settlement officers have made careful inquiries as to the extent of indebtedness in Gaya, Champaran, and Muzaffarpur Districts, where, if anywhere in the Province, it might be expected to be serious. The inquiries in Muzaffarpur and Gaya show that cultivators owe on the average Rs. 2-6 a head and cultivating labourers Rs. 1-5, and that indebtedness is decreasing. In Champaran the tenantry are badly off, and, during the decade preceding the settlement, 1-4 per cent, of the cultivators' holdings had been sold or mortgaged to money-lenders. The people are thriftless, and the majority are in debt to the mahdjan. In Saran only one-fifth of the cultivators are in debt, and their total indebtedness is estimated at less than a crore, whereas the net profits of cultivation amount to over 3^ crores. In the whole Province only 7,000 holdings were purchased by money-lenders in 1902, and there is no indication that the peasantry as a body are in danger of losing their lands to money-lenders. A common rate of interest is 36 per cent, per annum.

The implements in universal use are the plough, harrow, sickle, and hoe, and they vary in size and shape according to the strength of the draught cattle in use, the texture of the soil, and the description of cultivation practised. The ploughs in Bihar are generally heavier and more effective than in Bengal, and work the soil to a depth of 5 inches, whereas those in use in North Bengal scratch the surface to a depth of only 2 inches. The Cuttack and Noakhali* ploughs are very heavy, and the two sides are shaped like mould-boards, giving them the appearance of ridging ploughs. The Bihiya sugar-cane mill, made in Shahabad, and a similar type of mill made at Kushtia in Nadia are the only improved implements which are really popular ; they have largely superseded the native wooden mills.

The cattle are generally poor, especially in the east of the Province, where pasture is deficient ; in the north-west some improvement has been effected by crossing with bulls imported from the United Provinces. The chief breeds of cattle are the Patna, Sltamarhi, Bachaur, and Bhagalpuri in Bihar, and the Siri and Nepali in Darjeeling. These are worth from Rs. 30 to Rs. 40 a head, though the Patna milch-cattle, which were crossed half a century ago with an imported short-horn strain, sell for Rs. 80. Good buffaloes are to be found in the forests and swampy island flats, and are much prized for their milk. The only horses bred in Bengal are the weedy indigenous ponies or iats^ which are found everywhere and are worth from Rs. 50 to Rs. 60 each. Goats abound, but are very small. Sheep are bred in Bihar and Chota Nagpur ; the Patna breed is the best.

Pasture is plentiful in the neighbourhood of the few forests and on the river islands ; but it is very scanty elsewhere, especially in Bengal proper, where every inch of land grows rice and the cattle have to be content with such scanty herbage as the roadsides, tank banks, and field boundary ridges afford. Cart bullocks and plough bullocks are partly stall-fed on chopped rice straw when at work, and milch-buffaloes are carefully tended ; but the cattle generally are under-fed and miserably housed, and no attempts are made to improve the breed. In Bihar and elsewhere dedicated bulls roam the countryside and feed on the fat of the land, but they are not selected for breeding. The cattle suffer from rinderpest, foot-and-mouth disease, haemorrhagic septi- caemia, and malaria, and occasionally from anthrax. The Civil Veterinary department trains young men at the Bengal Veterinary College at Belgachia, and distributes them to the District boards and other bodies requiring their services ; the total number of passed students from this college who were employed as veterinary assistants or in other capacities under these bodies and under Government in 1903-4 was 46.

A large number of cattle and horse fairs are held, the largest being those at Sonpur, Sitamarhi, Suri, and Kalimpong. At these fairs cattle shows are held, and prizes are given for the best specimens exhibited.

The copious and regular rainfall renders irrigation far less essential than in other parts of India, and it is almost unknown in a great part of Bengal proper. Statistics are available only for the areas irrigated from Government canals ; and in 1903-4 less than 2 per cent, of the rice crop and only about 2 per cent, of the wheat crop were supplied with water from this source. The principal crops irrigated are winter rice, wheat, barley, poppy, sugar-cane, and potatoes. Of these, winter rice is by far the most important. It is not irrigated in East or North Bengal, and but .seldom in the Presidency Division, while in North Bihar it is only irrigated near the foot of the Himalayas, where the hill streams can be dammed without much difficulty. In Orissa there are large irrigation works, but they are not much resorted to in normal years. In the Burdwan and Chota Nagpur Divisions, however, and in South Bihar, the natural supply of rain-water is insufficient, and rice can be grown only with the aid of artificial irrigation. This is chiefly necessary in October ; but if the rains are late in starting, water is also required for the seed-beds, and again at the time of transplantation. Wheat and barley are commonly grown without irrigation, except in the vicinity of homesteads in North Bihar, where they get two or three waterings from wells in November and December. The poppy is generally irrigated from wells and requires weekly watering. Sugar-cane is irrigated, except in North Bihar and North Bengal ; it is watered once a fortnight during April, May, and June, and once a month in November and December. Potatoes are irrigated once a fortnight in Burdwan, Hooghly, Patna, and Cuttack, but not usually elsewhere.

Bengal possesses three important systems of irrigation canals — the Son, the Orissa, and the Midnapore. The Son Canals in Bihar are fed from the Son river by means of a weir at Dehri ; they supply water to Shahabad District on the west and to Gaya and Patna Districts on the east. The system comprises (1903-4) 367 miles of main and branch canals, of which 218 are navigable, with 1,217 miles of distributaries, and 3,237 miles of village channels which are private property. The supply of water available for the kharlf or autumn irrigation is about 6,500 cubic feet per second. For the rabi or spring crops the supply is always ample. The demand fluctuates greatly according to the rainfall in September and October ; the area irrigated in 1903-4 was 790 square miles, compared with 756 square miles in 1902-3. In the hot season the supply of water is very limited, but there is usually sufficient for the irrigation of about 25,000 acres of sugar-cane.

The Orissa Canals are fed mainly from the MahanadI river, but derive part of their supply from the Brahmani and BaitaranI, there being in all seven anicuts or weirs. The country served by these canals lies chiefly in the delta of the MahanadI, and, being liable to inundation, it has been necessary to protect the irrigated tracts by marginal flood embankments. Four main canals — the Taldanda, the Kendrapara, the Machgaon, and the High Level — comprise 301 miles of main and branch canals, of which 205 miles are navigable, and 1,166 miles of distributaries. There are no village channels. The supply which can be given in the kharlf season is 4,550 cubic feet per second. During the rabi season there is very little demand for water. Sugar-cane is little cultivated in these parts.

The Midnapore Canal is supplied from the Kasai river. It is 72 miles in length and is navigable throughout, and possesses 267 miles of distributaries and 30 miles of village channels. The capacity of discharge is 1,500 cubic feet per second. The supply at the end of the khafif season is, however, uncertain, and in a dry autumn there is frequently difficulty in meeting the demand for water. There is little irrigation in the rabi season.

In the north-west corner of Champaran District the Tribeni Canal is being constructed as a protective work. It is designed to carry enough water to irrigate about 178 square miles.

Table III at the end of this article (p. 346) gives the principal figures connected with these systems of canals ; the falling off" in navigation tolls is due to the development of railways.

The ' minor ' irrigation works maintained by Government are the Saran, the Eden, and the Tiar or Madhuban canals. The Saran canals have a head sluice on one of the side channels of the Gandak river. There is no weir, and, owing to alterations in the main channel, it is very difficult to feed the canals, which for the present are closed. The Eden canal takes off from the Damodar river in Burdwan. It was intended primarily to supply fresh water to some old river-beds as a sanitary measure, but it is also used for the irrigation of about 42 square miles. The Tiar canal in the north of Champaran is supplied from the stream of the .same name, and can irrigate 9 square miles.

The sale of water for irrigation is regulated by Act III (B.C.) of 1876, which provides that it shall only be supplied on a written request. For rice, leases are entered into for a term of years in which the lands to be irrigated are specified in detail ; the quantity of water to be given is not mentioned, but there is an implied obligation to supply what is needed. In charging for the irrigation of rabi and sugar-cane, it is not practicable to determine beforehand precisely which lands are to be supplied, and the principle of the Northern India Act is adopted, i.e. an acreage rate is charged on those fields which are actually irrigated.

The principal private irrigation works are reservoirs and water channels. This form of irrigation is mainly practised in the gneissic and old alluvial tracts, where the broken surface facilitates water- storage. In hilly country the reservoir is made by throwing an embankment across a drainage channel, but on more level ground the surface-water is confined in an artificial catchment basin, of a more or less rectangular shape, by an embankment raised on three sides of the rectangle. Artificial channels are dug parallel to the beds of rivers which have a steep gradient, to irrigate high lands down stream ; many of these are large works with numerous branches and distributaries. Comparatively little use is made of wells for irrigation, though a good deal of land along the banks of the Ganges ia Patna and Muzaffarpur Districts is watered from earthen wells, and small masonry wells are to be found near the houses in Bihar, and are used for irrigating poppy and other crops. The cost of a masonry well varies from Rs. 100 to Rs. 300 and of a kachchd well from Rs. 2 to Rs. 5. Tanks are used to a considerable extent for irrigating rice, especially in Burdwan.

Numerous water-lifts are used, such as the lever and bucket or skin bag, the swing-basket, and the spoon irrigation lever. The first- mentioned lever is fitted to a forked tree or masonry pillar, and counterpoised by clods of earth. When bullocks are used, they are yoked to a rope which passes over a pulley carried on a cross-beam, supported on two masonry pillars. The basket is swung by two men with the aid of ropes tied to the corners, and is used for raising water from a river or tank. The spoon irrigation lever is a canoe-shaped dug-out working on a pivot. When the level of water is very low, two or more successive lifts are required.

The importance of the Bengal fisheries may be gauged from the fact that 1-6 per cent, of the population is engaged in catching, curing, and selling fish, a percentage which rises to 2-6 in the Presidency, Rajshahi* and Dacca* Divisions ; moreover, one cultivator in every twenty is returned as a fisherman also. The waters of the Bay, the rivers, and swamps swarm with fish, and every ditch and puddle furnishes small fry to eke out the frugal diet of the people. The best salt-water fish are the hekti, tapsi or mango-fish, mullet, pomfret, and sole. Inland the hilsa {Clupea ilisha) is found in shoals in the Ganges, while the rohu {^Labeo rohitd) and the katdl {Catla btichanani) abound every- where, as do also innumerable other varieties much esteemed by the Bengalis ; prawns and crabs are caught in myriads. The mahseer is found in the higher reaches of the rivers which debouch from the Himalayas, and in some of the rivers of the Chota Nagpur plateau.

The Bengali is a very clever fisherman. In the Bay of Bengal he practises deep-sea fishing, drying his catch ashore on stakes driven into some sandy beach. The larger rivers are trawled from a sailing boat, and the smaller streams are fished from weirs. The tanks and ditches are periodically dragged, the fish at other times being angled or caught in a cast-net. Every streamlet is studded with hundreds of wicker fish-traps, while prawn cages are ubiquitous. The wonder is that any living fish escapes, so persistent and remorseless is the hunt for the finny tribe. Every other interest is subordinated to its pursuit, and not only is navigation impeded, but the drainage of the country is blocked by the obstruction of every channel and outlet.

The right of fishery in all but the largest rivers has generally been alienated by Government to private persons, having been included in the 'assets' on which the permanent settlement of estates was based, but in some cases the fishery itself is a separate 'estate.' In tanks the right of fishing vests in the owner or occupant ; in the Bay and large rivers fishing is free to all.

Rents wages and prices

The conditions which determine the rent paid by the actual culti- vator to his immediate landlord vary widely in different parts of the Province, and even in different estates. In some large according to rates current throughout a village, while in others lump-rents prevail. In Orissa and the Santal Parganas the rents have been fixed by Settlement officers. In Bengal proper, lump-rents are generally paid, except for newly reclaimed lands, and inquiry often fails to detect the existence of any standard rates known to the people. In large estates in Bihar, on the other hand, it is usual to find the rent calculated according to rates applied to different classes of soil or to particular crops. Generally speaking, the principal factors which affect the incidence of rent are the fertility of the land, the density of population, the antiquity of the hold- ing, the social position of the tenant, and the position and character of the landlord. Where the population is dense, there is a keen demand for arable land and rents rule high. On the other hand, rents which were fixed some years ago are lower than those recently settled, because prices and rent rates have steadily increased for many years.

A Brahman, again, usually pays a lower rate than a man of low caste. The highest rents prevail where the landlord is a petty proprietor or a middleman resident in the village. Specially high rent rates are usually paid for land under special crops, such as sugar-cane, pan, mulberry, and poppy. The cultivators have been protected from arbitrary rent enhancement and eviction by the Bengal Tenancy Act of 1885, but, owing to the apathy and ignorance of the peasantry, the Act has remained a dead letter over a great part of the Province. In Bihar, especially, the tenant is still very much at the mercy of his landlord, who rarely gives him a written lease. In Eastern Bengal conditions are different. Documents are far more freely interchanged, the demand for cultivators to till the land is keen, and the tenant has the best of the bargain.

Little accurate information is available in Bengal regarding rates of rent, but the following are the average rates per acre ascertained by Settlement officers. In Eastern Bengal Rs. 4 is paid in Tippera*, and Rs. 5-12 in Chittagong*, where rents rule very high; the ordinary minimum and maximum rates probably range from Rs. 3 to Rs. 12. In Orissa rents vary from Rs. r-8 to Rs. 4, the average being Rs. 2-8. In Central Bengal they run from Rs. 3-4 to Rs. 8-1 1, the average being Rs. 5-8, and in North Bihar the limits are Rs. 1-14 and Rs. 4-5, the average being about Rs. 3-2 an acre. In Chota Nagpur the rents are much lower, varying from 8 annas to Rs. 2, with an average of Rs. 1-4, while in the Santal Parganas the average is Rs. 4-4, the limits being Rs. 3-12 and Rs. 6-12. The rates of rent for special crops occasionally rise much higher, the maximum rates recorded for tobacco being Rs. 37-8 ; for sugar-cane, Rs. 18 ; for potato and poppy, Rs. 20 ; and {ox pan, Rs. 75.

Rent is extensively paid in kind in Gaya, Shahabad, and Patna Districts, where the character of the country renders the maintenance of an elaborate system of irrigation necessary ; but to a less extent such rents are to be found throughout the Province. Different methods of payment prevail; sometimes the grain is divided on the threshing-floor, or the standing crop is appraised, while sometimes a fixed payment in grain is made irrespective of the yield. In Bengal newly reclaimed lands are often tilled by temporary settlers, who contract to raise a crop and give the landlord half of it ; they erect temporary shelters for the season, and throw up the land at the end of it.

Wages for all kinds of labour are lowest in Bihar and highest in Bengal, Orissa occupying an intermediate position. The actual daily rates for skilled and unskilled labour in the different sub-provinces and in the three chief cities are shown below : —

In Bihar there has been a nominal rise of 7 per cent, in the wages of unskilled labour during the last decade, and in Bengal of 14 per cent. ; in Orissa, on the other hand, wages are reported to have fallen 12 per cent, during the same period. In Patna city they have increased 9 per cent., while a decrease of 2 per cent, has taken place in Dacca*. The wages of skilled labour have increased by 11 per cent, in Bihar, 15 per cent, in Orissa, and 5 per cent, in Bengal ; they have increased in Calcutta by 20 per cent., while in Patna and Dacca* they are reported to have fallen by 5 and 13 per cent, respectively.

The remuneration of village servants is fixed by custom. In Bihar each artisan takes his recognized share of grain when the crop has been reaped and brought to the threshing-floor ; he often holds in addition a small plot of land rent-free, in_^ remuneration for services rendered to the zamtnddr. In Orissa the village employes serve a fixed circle of from 30 to 50 families and receive small monthly payments of grain and money, with other customary perquisites. This system is not found in Bengal proper, where the village organization, with its com- plete equipment of servants and artisans, never seems to have been developed.

The rise in wages has not kept pace with the increase in the price of food-grains, for, whereas during the last twenty years the price of rice has risen by 38-5 per cent., the wages of unskilled labour have risen by only 15 and of skilled labour by 25-4 per cent, during the same period. The fact is that wages are largely governed by custom, and it seems probable that the increased demand for labour due to the development of railways and to industrial expansion has had more to do with the rise in wages than the increase in the price of food-grains. The payment of day-labourers and village artisans and servants in kind also tends to keep down wages in spite of high prices.

The average prices of certain staples at important centres during the last three decades and for the year 1903-4 are shown in Table IV at the end of this article (p. 347). The increase during the years 1890-1900 was due to the famines of the decades, which caused a heavy drain of food-stuffs from this Province, The masses are much better off and enjoy a more generous diet in Lower Bengal and Orissa than in Bihar and Chota Nagpur. The annual cost of living per head of an average adult cultivator is estimated at Rs. 15 in Bihar, Rs. 20 in Chota Nagpur, and Rs. 35 to Rs. 45 in Lower Bengal and Orissa. An ordinary hut costs from Rs. 5 to Rs. 40, and a well-to-do family has three or four of them. The furniture consists of mats, one or two wooden boxes, bamboo baskets, earthen pots and pans, and brass utensils. To dress himself and his family costs a well-to-do cultivator from Rs. 10 to Rs. 15 per annum, while he may spend Rs. 5 or Rs. 10 in brass and silver ornaments. The landless day-labourer is generally attached to the household of his master, and lives in a wretched hut on his employer's land. He gets one full meal at midday and a scanty breakfast and supper.

The middle classes comprise those who live on land rents, members of the learned professions, merchants and shopkeepers, and persons in Government or private employment. The joint family system which furnishes a common fund for all the members is a relief to those earning small salaries. Their food consists of rice, pulses, vegetables, fish, gh'i, oil, milk, sugar, flour, and sweetmeats, and occasionally meat. The ornaments of a married woman of this class are usually not worth more than Rs. 50. One or two bedsteads, a few cane or wooden stools, a few cheap boxes, some coarse mats, together with a number of brass and bell-metal utensils, make up the furniture of an ordinary house, except in the towns, where it may include a table, a couple of chairs, and one or two benches. The cost of living in Calcutta is estimated at Rs. 50 to Rs. 70 a month for an ordinary family, and in the country at from Rs. 30 to Rs. 50.

There is no doubt that the standard of living has improved of late years in North and East Bengal, where better clothes are worn, earthen- ware is giving place to brass-ware, and vegetable oils to kerosene. In Bihar progress is slower, though the improvement in communications has facilitated migration to Bengal, where the remarkable industrial expansion of recent years has created a great demand for labour. The same causes have benefited Chota Nagpur, but here the people are primitive in their habits, and they have not yet taken to growing produce for export on a large scale ; the Bengal-Nagpur Railway has, however, done much to open up this part of the country. The middle classes suffer from high prices, unless they have an interest in land, as many of them have ; and this is probably the class which has made least progress.

Forests

The his tory of the Government forests in Bengal is similar to that of the forests in other parts of India. When the East India Company first began to acquire sovereign rights, its officers were naturally impressed by the great extent of the forests, rather than by the benefits to be derived from them ; and for many years their sole aim was to expedite their conversion into culti- vated fields. Many of the best forests were alienated, and reckless exploitation ran riot. The work of destruction was hastened by the wasteful form of shifting cultivation known as jhftin, the constant occurrence of forest fires, and the direct and indirect demands for railway construction. But with the growing scarcity of valuable timber, and the observed bad effects upon climatic conditions of the wholesale removal of forest growth, a reaction set in ; and scientific forest manage- ment and conservancy in Bengal dates from the year 1854, when the first Conservator of Forests was appointed. As in other Provinces, rules were then laid down for the control of forest matters, which eventually led up to the passing of the Indian Forest Act, VII of 1878.

Under this enactment land at the disposal of the state may be divided into 'reserved,' 'protected,' and 'village' and ' unclassed ' forests, and powers are also taken for the issue of orders with the object of prevent- ing the destruction of private forests. No such orders have hitherto been issued in Bengal, and there are no ' village ' forests. The arrange- ments for conservancy are most complete in the case of ' reserved ' forests. These are permanently demarcated ; private rights, where they exist, are defined, commuted, or provided for elsewhere, and every effort is made to prevent damage by fire. Timber is extracted from the greater part of these forests in accordance with scientific working-plans, and the regeneration of suitable species is carefully attended to. In ' protected ' forests the arrangements are less elaborate : private rights are recorded but not defined, and the efforts of the Forest department are directed mainly to the prevention of reckless felling and to securing to Government its dues on account of forest produce extracted. As cultivation extends, the area of these ' protected ' forests tends to become more and more restricted. There are also, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, certain waste lands at the disposal of Government, in which even this modified control is considered inadvisable. The forests on such lands are known as ' unclassed,' and their management is regulated by executive orders.

In consequence of the permanent revenue settlement, there is very little land at the disposal of Government in the greater part of Bengal proper and Bihar, and the forests there have long since yielded to the axe and the plough. Owing to the moisture-laden winds of the south- west monsoon, and the generally low and level surface of the country, which prevents rapid draining and denudation, their disappearance has not been accompanied by the ill effects which have supervened in other less favourable conditions. Except in a few limited areas, vegetation is sufficiently plentiful ; and the bamboos, palms, and fruit trees grown by the villagers suffice to meet all their ordinary requirements. For other purposes, however, such as sleepers for railways, timber for bridges and large buildings, tea boxes, and to meet the fuel demand in cities, the only important sources of supply, with the exception of the forests in a few Native States and the timber imported from Nepal or from abroad, are the Government forests which have been ' reserved ' or protected ' in the tracts lying outside the area which was permanently settled : namely, in Chota Nagpur, the Santal Parganas, the Jalpai- guri Diiars, Uarjeeling, Chittagong*, Angul, and Purl Districts, the Chittagong Hill Tracts*, and the Sundarbans. The Government forests in these tracts^ in 1904 covered an area of 9,581 square miles, of which 6,014 square miles were 'reserved,' and 3,567 'protected,' while there were also 3,753 square miles of 'unclassed' forests in the Chittagong Hill Tracts*. With a few exceptions, the whole of this area is under the control of the Forest department of the Province. At the head is a Conservator of Forests, and under him are deputy, assistant, and extra-assistant Conservators, who are in charge of or attached to Forest ' divisions ' (twelve in number), and a subordinate staff of rangers, deputy- rangers, and foresters. In matters of general Forest administration, the divisional officer is the assistant of the Collector of the District, or in some cases of the Commissioner, while as regards technical matters, accounts, establishments, and the like, he is directly under the Conservator.

The forests of Bengal contain a great number of species, and their composition is very varied in character. The principal types are briefly : {a) The tidal forests situated in the delta of the Ganges, known as the Sundarbans, where the sundri {Heritiera littoralis) is the most important species ; {I)) the dry forests of Chota Nagpur and the Santal Parganas, where the sal tree {Shorea I'obustd) largely predominates ; (c) the forests in the hilly portions of Orissa, where the sal occurs some- times in pure forests, but usually in conjunction with several species of Terniinalia, Diospyros, Albizzia, Dalbergia, and bamboo ; {d) sal forests in the Duars * and tarai at the foot of the Eastern Himalayas and on the drier spurs of the lower hills, and those of Dalbergia Sissoo and khair {Acacia Catechu) on the gravel and boulder deposits along the rivers of that part of the country ; {e) the hill forests of British Sikkim and Bhutan, stocked chiefly with oaks, magnolias, and rhododendrons ; and lastly (/) the Chittagong * forests, of which bamboos, jdrul {Lagerstroemia Flos Reginae) and gurjan {Dipterocarpus turbitiatus) are the most important products.

Timber and other forest produce are, for the most part, now removed

' The Jalpaiguri Duars, CliiUagong, and the Chittagong Hill Tracts have been transferred to Eastern Bengal and Assam. The Government forests in the present area of Bengal cover 7,806 square miles, of which ^,214 square miles are ' reserved,' and 3;662 square miles are ' protected.' by purchasers, and departmental working is resorted to only for the supply of sal sleepers to railways, and of fuel to the Commissariat department at Darjeeling. Water-carriage is little used save in the forests of Angul, the Sundarbans, and the Chittagong Hill Tracts*, and to some extent in the Jalpaigurl* and Buxa* forests. The practice of shifting cultivation, which is most injurious not only on account of the destruction of forest growth, but also because the fires employed for clearing the felled areas often spread in all directions, is now almost everywhere forbidden, though it is still allowed in the ' unclassed ' forests of the Chittagong Hill Tracts* and in the ' protected ' forests in the Santal Parganas. The most valuable minor products of the forests are bamboos, golpdtd (palm) leaves, mica, honey and wax, thatching grass and sahai grass {Ischaemum angustifoHuni), the last named being largely used in the manufacture of paper.

The experiment of cultivating rubber [Ficus elasticd) has been tried in the Darjeeling tarai, the Tista valley, and Chittagong* with some success, but the plantations are still on a very small scale.

Measures for protecting the forests from fire were commenced in 1872, and have now been extended to all the more valuable areas. At the beginning of the dry season fire-lines, as well as all boundaries and forest roads, are cleared of grass and jungle, and a number of fire- watchers are employed to assist the ordinary protective establishment in patrolling the forests. In many parts, e.g. in the Sundarbans, the forests are not inflammable, and in others, owing to the damp climate, fire-protection is an easy matter. It is in the dry climate of Chota Nagpur and Orissa that forest fires are most to be feared, and the greatest care has to be taken ; but, in spite of all precautions, large areas in these portions of the Province are frequently burnt. Of the total area of 2,169 square miles in 1903-4, over which protection from fire was attempted, 94-98 per cent, was successfully protected at a cost of Rs. 7-8-7 per square mile.

With the exception of a small area in Jalpaigurl District*, there are no special fuel and fodder Reserves. In the temporarily settled estates of Orissa, however, lands have been set apart in many villages, during the recent settlement operations, for grazing purposes, while in the Government estates of the Kolhan and Palamau and in some recently settled tracts in Singhbhum District blocks of waste land have been detached from the ' protected ' forest areas and included in the limits of villages, to meet the possible requirements of the villagers in respect of fuel-supply and pasture grounds. In the case of famine or fodder scarcity, the ' reserved ' forests in the affected area are thrown open for the free removal of fruits and roots, and in some cases for grazing.

During the ten years ending 1890, the forest revenue, expenditure, and surplus averaged, respectively, 6-51, 3-86, and 2-65 lakhs; and for the ten years ending 1900, 9-45, 4-86, and 4-59 lakhs. In 1900-1 the gross revenue was I2-34 lakhs, the expenditure 5-78 lakhs, and the net surplus 6-56 lakhs ; and in 1903-4 the gross revenue' was io-47 lakhs, the expenditure 6-89 lakhs, and the net surplus 3-58 lakhs.

Mines and minerals

Coal is the chief mining industry. The Bengal mines furnish more than 83 per cent, of the total output of coal in India, and nearly the whole of the coke. With the exception of a narrow unworked field of crushed anthracitic coal of Gond- minerals wana (upper palaeozoic) age in Darjeeling District near the Nepal frontier, the coal seams lie mainly in the valleys of two rivers, the Barakar and the Damodar. The principal fields at present worked are at GirTdIh, or Karharbari, in the valley of the Barakar, and at Jherria and Raniganj in the valley of the Damodar. These fields are estimated to be capable of yielding 14,000,000,000 tons of coal, excluding 67,000,000 tons already extracted. They all lie within 200 miles of Calcutta and have been made accessible by rail. The Raj- niahal fields give a small output, and Daltonganj, which has recently been connected by rail with Barun, is being developed. Of the un- worked fields, Karanpura with nearly 9,000,000,000 tons of coal is perhaps the most important. The Auranga, Bokaro, Hutar, and Ram- garh fields are also of value, but they have not yet been opened out by the construction of railways. These fields contain fair steam coals ; some are very good, but they all contain a rather high percentage of ash. Many of them yield a good firm coke suitable for furnaces.

The maximum thickness of the seams is 95 feet, and the portions worked vary in thickness from 2 1/2 to 45 feet. As a rule, a quarry is commenced at the outcrop ; and as it pays to remove a large over- burden from thick seams, a number of huge open excavations are formed. When the cover overlying a seam is too thick to be econo- mically removed, or when the seam is thin, galleries from 8 to 12 feet wide are driven, both on the dip and along the strike of the seam, leaving pillars of coal the size of which varies according to the method of working and the thickness of the seams cover. A system which provides for 12 feet galleries and 12 feet pillars yields at once three- quarters of the coal ; but the remaining quarter, which is left in pillars, can seldom be won. A system allowing 12 feet galleries and 60 feet pillars yields 30 per cent, of coal in the first working, and 70 per cent, is left in pillars ; but unless the seam be more than 20 feet thick, a large proportion of the latter can be obtained in the second, or pillar, work- ing. Pillar working is mainly confined to European-managed mines, as there is always danger of a fire breaking out in large areas of pillars. In driving galleries it is usual to start from the top of the seam with

' The corresponding figures for ilengal as now constituted are: receipts, 8-6 lakhs; expenditure, 5-45 lakhs; and net surplus, 3-15 lakhs. a heiglit of 6 feet, and, after this drive has advanced some distance, to deepen it to the full height of the seam by cutting out the remainder of the coal in successive steps. In a few mines the galleries are commenced in the lower portion of the seam, and are heightened by dropping the coal left above. In the East Indian Railway collieries in the Girldih coal-field the coal is extracted by a combination of the pillar and long wall methods. The lower portion of the seam is cut up into pillars 6 feet in height, and the latter are thinned down till they are only just able to carry the weight of the overlying coal. These thinned pillars are then blown down by dynamite, and the top coal (17 feet thick), which comes away readily from a strong sandstone roof, falls on the floor. When a large area of coal has been extracted, a rib of coal is left against the worked-out portion, or goaf, and a new set of workings is started.

The methods of raising the coal to the surface vary from the primi- tive means of baskets carried on the heads of cooly women to hauling sets of 5 or 10 tubs on inclines provided with rails, or hoisting in well-fitted shafts up to 640 feet in depth by direct-acting engines. All three methods are in vogue in the chief coal-fields. The coal is cut with picks of English pattern and make by natives of many castes, including the aboriginal Santals, Mundas, and Oraons, and the semi-Hinduized Musahars, Bauris, Bagdis, Ghatwals, Mahlis, Turis, Chamars, Telis, and Pasls. The majority are recruited from the villages surrounding the coal-fields, and from the adjoining parts of Bankura, Manbhum, Blrbhilm, and the Santal Parganas.

The underground work is performed at a fixed price per tub of coal by families, or gangs of men, women, and children, who choose their own hours of labour. The men cut the coal, and the women and children carry it to the tubs. As a rule, they also push the tubs to the shaft or incline, but at one colliery no horses and ponies are employed to ' lead ' the coal underground. A man can cut about 2\ tubs (i-^ tons) of coal per day of eight hours; but he seldom works more than five days in the week, and strictly observes all high-days and holidays. The number of working days per year varies from 200 to 300. The total value of coal at the pit's mouth in 1901 was 1-54 lakhs; and as there were 79,652 persons employed, the value of each person's out-turn for the year was Rs. 191. Of this sum, the colliery owner's profit, the landowner's rent or royalty, the cost of stores, tools and equipment, and the superior establishment take about Rs. 98, leaving about Rs. 93 a year as the earnings of each person, or about Rs. 15-8 a month per family.

In 1774 Mr. S. G. Heatly (the reputed discoverer of Bengal coal) and Mr. J. Summer applied to Government for the right of working coal at RanTganj. In 1777 six mines were worked and 90 tons of coal were jl)tainecl. Nothing further was done till about 181 5, when a Mr. Jones mined coal from pits and was the first to sell it in the general market. The industry progressed slowly till 1840, when the imports to Calcutta from RanTganj reached 36,200 tons. From 1840 to 1845 there was a constant increase in output, which in 1845 amounted to 62,400 tons. The East Indian Railway tapped the fields in 1854, and in 1858 the out-turn had increased to 220,000 tons. In 1903 the out-turn exceeded 3,000,000 tons, obtained from 142 mines employing 34,000 persons daily. The RanTganj field contains two valuable coal series, which are separated by ironstone shales 1,000 feet thick. The Giridih field was worked from 1857 to 1861, when it was closed for a time; it was reopened and worked systematically in 187 1, and in 1903 its yield was 767,000 tons, from nine mines employing 10,700 persons. It possesses two valuable seams in the lower coal series, and one of the shafts has a depth of 640 feet. Jherria was opened in 1894, but its output in 1903 had already risen to 2,746,000 tons, from 115 mines employing 28,000 persons. As at RanTganj, two coal series exist, the lower one containing eighteen, and the upper one two, valuable seams.

Of these seams, twelve are being worked. The East Indian Railway Company at GTrTdTh, and the Bengal Coal Company in the Daltonganj, GTrTdTh, and RanTganj coal-fields, each raise more than 600,000 tons yearly ; and the output of the Equitable, New Birbhum, and the Barakar Coal Companies exceeds 300,000 tons each. The European- owned collieries raise between them more than 4,000,000 tons, and those owned by natives have an output exceeding i\ million tons. The capital invested in joint-stock companies is about 115 lakhs, and there is also a large but unknown investment by private owners. The total output of the Province in 1881 was 930,000 tons. In 1891 it had risen to 1,747,000, in 1901 to 5,704,000, and in 1903 to 6,566,000 tons.

The railways consume one-third of the total output. The imports of foreign coal into Calcutta, the only important distributing port, which were 70,000 tons in 1880, had dwindled to 2,000 tons in 1901. The exports to foreign ports amounted to 8 tons in 1880, 26,000 tons in 1890, a quarter of a million tons in 1897, and more than half a million in 1 90 1. In Bombay English coal still competes with Indian, for although the latter can be bought in Calcutta for Rs. 7 per ton, the steamer freight and other charges raise its price to Rs. 15 at Bombay, which is only Rs. 2 less than the cost of English coal of better quality. Indian coal reaches Suez on the west and Singapore on the east ; at the latter port it competes with the supply from the Japanese mines.

About 1,700 persons are employed in iron-mining, and practically all the mineral won is dispatched to the works at Barakar, near Asansol, where pig-iron, pipes, and various kinds of castings are turned out. The ore is found in thin alluvial deposits at a number of places, as masses of hematite and magnetite in metamorphic rocks at Kalimati and in the ironstone shales of the RanTganj coal-field. The alluvial deposits were at one time worked by natives. The Kalimati quarries are shallow, and were opened in 1901, when they produced 7,800 tons of ore, rising in the following year to 10,382 tons. The Ranlganj ore is in the form of carbonate below ground, but it readily weathers, and at the surface consists of hematite and limonite. The beds vary from 2 to 8 inches in thickness and form one-seventeenth of the whole series, which is 1,000 feet thick. About 50,000 tons of ore were won in 1901 from shallow trenches and pits. The output of the Province rose from 20,000 tons in 1891 to 58,000 tons in 1901 and to 72,000 tons in 1902. The success of the industry depends in a great measure on the coking qualities of the Bengal coal. Attempts at steel-making have proved unremunerative.

Details of Output and Labour for each Coal-field in 1903

Mica is found over a large area in Gaya, Hazaribagh, and Monghyr Districts. It occurs in dikes and masses of pegmatite, as more or less defined shoots and patches which, in many cases, are found at the surface during the rains and are worked in the cold and hot seasons. In 1903 there were 251 mines and quarries, employing about 6,500 labourers daily. With the exception of Bendi, all the quarries and mines are worked by primitive native methods. Haulage and pumping are done by women, who are seated on ladders and pass up, from hand to hand to the surface, earthen pots filled with water or baskets with mica. The output in 1901 was 914 tons, valued at \\ lakhs, or seven times the quantity obtained ten years previously. Of this amount, 628 tons were obtained by a European firm, which owns a large area of land outside the Kodarma Government forests, where most of the other mines are situated. In 1903 the output had fallen to 692 tons.

Recent gold-bearing sands are widely distributed, and yield poor wages to a few Jhoras working with wooden dishes. Numerous veins of vitreous white quartz and grey quartzites occur in Singhbhum District, and in 1895 several small shafts were sunk. Assays give results varying from I to 7 dwts. per ton. A small amount of prospecting work was done in 1901. Copper pyrites are found at Baraganda, in a band of mica and talcose schists varying from 12 to 40 feet in thickness. The only mine hitherto worked was closed in 1891. The rock contains 3 per cent, of copper, which was increased by concentration to 12 per cent, and the concentrates were carted to Girldih and smelted. In all, 1,100 tons of copper were obtained. At Rajdoha also copper has been worked in small quantities. Alluvial tin is reported from Hazaribagh, but it has not yet been found in paying quantities.

The saltpetre of Indian commerce is obtained mainly from the Patna Division and Monghyr. It occurs as a natural efflorescence on the surface of the ground, and its manufacture affords employment to a large number of people belonging to the caste (Nunia) named after it. The quantity produced in 1900 is estimated at 160,000 cwt., valued at 12 lakhs, or rather less than the out-turn in 189 1. In 1903 the out-turn was 382,000 cwt., of a total value of 22-33 l!il<hs.

Slate has been quarried in Monghyr for many years, and is now mined. The industry gives employment to nearly 400 persons, and 1,600 tons were produced in 1903. There are two beds of slate on edge, 13 and 9 feet thick respectively. Owing to ' creep ' in the hill-side, quarrying has been given up and underground chambers are now cut, from 15 to 25 feet in height, leaving a minimum cover of 30 feet. The slates are thicker than Welsh slates, but are strong and suitable for the flat roofs of Indian bungalows. The castes employed are chiefly Koras, Musahars, Beldars, Gonrs, Nunias, Chamars, and Goalas.

Limestone is widely distributed in the nodular form known as kankar, except in the deltaic tract east of the Bhaglrathi. In 1900 the out-turn was 100,000 tons, valued at three-quarters of a lakh. Sandstone, suit- able for building and road-making, is found in the coal-fields. An output of 40,000 tons, valued at a quarter of a lakh, was reported in 1900. Laterite is found in Bihar and Orissa ; 100,000 tons, valued at half a lakh, were raised in 1900. Granite and other igneous rocks are used in Gaya and Hazaribagh for road-metal. Soapstone occurs in Manbhum, and is made into cups and images, but the industry is small.

Arts and manufactures

Throughout the Province various handicrafts are carried on, but, as a rule, the articles manufactured sufifice only to meet the local demand. Dacca* and Santipur were formerly manufactures for their fine mushns ; and early in the nine- teenth century the quantity exported to Europe, and especially to France, was very great. From Dacca* alone the exports in 1817 were valued at 152 lakhs. Ordinary cotton goods were also in great demand for the European market, and as early as 1706 efforts were made to induce weavers to settle in the neighbourhood of Calcutta. The introduction of machinery in Europe has not only killed the export trade, but has flooded the country with cheap piece- goods and seriously crippled the local weaving industry. Country-made goods, however, are more durable, and, in the more remote parts, country weavers have maintained their business. The weavers of Serampore, who use an improved loom, still hold their own, and so do those of Dacca*, where a carefully bleached white cloth with a border of gold thread is made ; while in Patna District the trade in cotton goods and cheap muslins made at Dinapore is still fairly brisk. Cotton- spinning, except as a domestic industry, no longer exists, and the weavers generally work with imported yarn or cotton twist.

Jute is worked up into cloth for gunny-bags, sails, and quilts, mainly in Hooghly and Dacca*, but smaller quantities are manufactured in most parts of Bengal proper. This work is the speciality of the Kapali caste. The yarn is prepared by the men, and the women weave the cloth. Jute is also twisted into twine from which ropes are afterwards made.

The silkworm is reared in West Bengal and in the tract where the Presidency and RSjshahi* Divisions meet. The industry was threatened with extinction, owing to diseases among the worms ; but the subject has been investigated by Government agency, and remedies have been applied with a fair measure of success. Silk-reeling is carried on in both European and native filatures, and raw silk is largely exported, the value of the exports amounting in 1903-4 to 47 lakhs. Silk thread is twisted from the reeled silk by women, and is knotted and uneven. The cloth woven is thus of a rough quality, but in spite of this silk- weaving was once a flourishing industry. Of late years it has suffered greatly from the competition of silks made in Japan, China, and Italy, and the value of manufactured silk exported in 1903-4 was estimated at only 6 lakhs compared with 18 lakhs in 1881. The weaving of mulberry silk, which is made chiefly for export, is carried on in Murshidabad and several Districts of West Bengal. That of tasar silk, which is in demand among natives, who wear it when performing religious ceremonies, has its head-quarters in West Bengal, Manbhum, and Gaya ; the business is still fairly prosperous, but, as the worm is not cultivated and the cocoons are collected in the jun^^le, the supply is very fluctuating. In East Bengal muga silk from Assam is woven, and in North Bengal a rough cloth is made by the Mech women from the silk of the eri worm. A mixed cloth, the warp of which is tasar silk and the woof cotton, is woven at Dacca*, Bhagalpur, and Bankura.

I-ocally made cloths and English cloths of similar texture are embroidered in coloured silks and cottons at Santipur by the women of the weaving class, but the arrangement of colours is not very pleasing. Embroidered caps are made at the town of Bihar. Skilled embroiderers in gold and silver are found at Patna and Murshidabad, but their work is chiefly confined to caps and to the trappings of horses and elephants. In Calcutta and the neighbourhood, the fancy work known as chikan is a thriving industry, and there is a considerable demand for it in EuroDe.

Cotton carpets are made at Nisbetganj in Rangpur* and at a few places in Bihar. The weaving of woollen goods is carried on only in Bihar and in part of Murshidabad District ; but the industry is almost entirely confined to the manufacture of blankets, which are made for the most part by the shepherds themselves. The cloth is woven in narrow strips which are afterwards stitched together. Woollen carpets of good texture are made at Obra in Gaya District.

The filigree gold- and silver-work of Cuttack and Dacca* is well- known. The silver-work of Kharakpur in Monghyr is famous, and there are also skilled workers in Calcutta. Blacksmiths and workers in iron are found everywhere, but most of them are employed in the manufacture and repair of agricultural implements and other articles of general use. In Patna, Calcutta, and Kishanganj (Purnea), iron cages, platters, spoons, chains, bolts, «Scc., are made. A few cutlers work in the suburbs of Calcutta, at Kanchannagar near Burdwan, and at one or two other places. Padlocks and keys are manufactured on a small scale at Natagarh and elsewhere. Monghyr was famous for its iron- workers before the days of foreign competition, and it still holds a relatively high position. Its speciality is the making of shot-guns ; but during the last few years the business has declined, and in 1901 only 463 guns were manufactured, or less than one-sixth of the out-turn four years previously. The number of fire-arms exported in 1903-4 was 899. This is attributed by the dealers in arms partly to the effect of foreign competition, and partly to the reduced number of gun licences issued in recent years. The manufacture of brass and copper utensils is the one indigenous industry which has not suffered from foreign competition. Figures, supports for /lukkas, hinges, and the like are sometimes moulded ; but the chief articles manufactured are do- mestic utensils, vessels of brass being used by Hindus and of copper by Muhaniniadans. They are made either by casting and moulding, or by joining together pieces of beaten-out metal, which at the present day is usually imported in sheets from Europe. The methods employed are of the simplest, and practically no machinery is used.

The manufacture of earthen vessels is carried on everywhere in Bengal, but the best ware is made in Burdwan District, on the banks of the Bhaglrathi, where the clay is especially suitable for the manufacture of durable pottery. Black earthen jars are exported in large quantities from the Satkhira subdivision of Khulna, and are used for storing oil and grain. In Monghyr porous water vessels are made, and decorated pottery of graceful form is produced at Sasaram. Ornamental pottery is also made at Siwan in Saran, which is remarkable both for its shape and decoration. The vessels are baked in earthen jars to prevent con- tact with the flames ; they thus become black when baked, and are then glazed with a mixture of clay and fuller's earth. Owing partly to the absence of suitable clay, and partly to the fact that Hindus think it necessary to change their earthen vessels constantly, nothing has yet been done in Bengal towards the production of porcelain or white earthenware. Glazes also are rarely resorted to. Occasionally vessels are smeared, before burning, with a mixture of fine clay, but the art of fusing glazes is not understood. Clay figures of some merit are moulded at Krishnagar, and idols with no pretensions to artistic skill are made everywhere.

Stone-carving, as an art, is practised only in Gaya, where small statues of gods and figures of animals are made of granite ; the carving of stone for the decoration of temples and buildings has almost entirely died out in Bengal. Glass-ware is made, chiefly in Patna, from Son river sand mixed with carbonate of soda. The glass is green and clouded, but at Patna a fair amount of white glass is now made. Bottles for holding perfumery, lamps for illuminations, and glass bangles are the chief articles produced. Bracelets of coarse glass are also made at Bhagalpur.

The ordinary carpenter of Bengal is a very rough workman, and is capable of little beyond the making of ploughs and other simple articles in common use among the people. In North and East Bengal, Orissa, and Chota Nagpur, the number even of such carpenters is deficient. Carving in wood was formerly practised as an adjunct to architecture, and there are traces of the skill of former workmen in the carved bal- conies of Patna, Gaya, and Muzaffarpur. This sort of work has almost entirely died out ; and the only indigenous wood-carving deserving of mention at the present time is that of the ebony workers of Monghyr, who make pieces of furniture, boxes and other small articles, which are inlaid with patterns in horn and ivory. In some parts, especially in the Patna Division, carpenters have been taught by Europeans to make articles of furniture from European models, and they often acquire great accuracy and finish. In Calcutta there are now numerous cabinet- makers who learnt their art in the English shops. In Muzaffarpur hukka stems are turned, and over 200,000 are exported yearly ; pdlkis and cart-wheels are also manufactured on a large scale.

Conch-shell bracelets are made chiefly in Dacca*. They are sawn out by a large metal disk, and are then polished and coloured. Bengal has always been famous for its ivory-carving, the peculiar feature of which is the minuteness of the work, which requires about eighty different tools. The number of persons now employed is, however, very small, and consists only of a few families in Murshidabad, Rang- pur*, and Cuttack. Metal inlaying is practised in a few places, the best known being the so-called hidri work of Purnea and Murshidabad, which was introduced from the Deccan, and consists of inlaying with silver a sort of pewter, which is made black with sulphate of copper.

Mat-making is largely carried on in South Midnapore, whence comes the cyperus matting sold in Calcutta, and mats of fine reeds are woven in various parts of East Bengal. Bamboo mats and baskets are made everywhere, and fancy baskets of coloured grasses in Bihar. The in- digenous Chamar, or leather-dresser and cobbler, is found all over the Province ; but his work is very rough and is confined to meeting the simple requirements of ordinary village life — the supply of leather straps for plough yokes, rough shoes, and the like. In Calcutta a number of shoemakers working in the European style are found, com- prising both Chinamen and natives of the country. Leathern harness is made on a small scale in Calcutta and Patna.

The extended use of jute, as a fibre, dates from 1832, when experi- ments made in Dundee showed that it could be used as a substitute for hemp ; and a further impetus was given to the demand when the diffi- culties which once existed in bleaching and dyeing it were overcome. It is used not only for the making of gunny-bags and coarse cloth, but also in the manufacture of carpets, curtains, and shirtings, and is largely mixed with silk or used for imitating silk fabrics. The rapid spread of jute cultivation during recent years has already been described. The whole of the raw material, except such as was required for the hand- looms of the villages, was formerly exported to Europe, mainly to Dundee ; but of late a flourishing local industry has been established, and the banks of the Hooghly are now lined with jute-mills, which are rapidly growing in number and importance. In 1903-4 there were 36 mills with 18,000 looms, employing 122,724 hands, compared with 25 mills with 9,000 looms and 66,000 hands in 1892-3. Nearly half the raw jute produced in Bengal is now consumed in the.se mills ; the value of gunny-bags, rope, and other goods exported in 190 1-2 was 859 lakhs, against only 100 lakhs twenty years previously ; and the export had further increased by 1903-4 to 936 lakhs. Jute presses are also increasing rapidly in number; in 1903 there were 155, compared with 37 in 1892 and only 4 in 1882.

The great centre of the Indian cotton-manufacturing industry is in Bombay, but it is steadily growing in importance in Bengal, and there are now ten mills employing about 11,000 hands, compared with an average of six mills employing 6,000 hands in the decade 1881-90. In 1903-4 the out-turn of yarn exceeded 46,000,000 lb. and that of cloth w-as nearly 700,000 lb. The capital invested has risen from 83 to 177 lakhs.

The principal statistics in connexion with the jute and cotton indus- tries are shown in the following table : —

There were in 1903 four paper-mills with a capital of 50 lakhs, em- ploying on the average nearly 900 hands each, and producing nearly 36,000,000 lb. of paper. The capital invested and the production have quadrupled since 1881-90. Other large industries are also growing apace, such as iron and brass foundries, oil-mills, silk, soap, and lac factories, potteries, rope works, &c. ; and for miles above Calcutta the banks of the Hooghly present a scene of industrial activity which bids fair in time to rival that of the largest towns in Europe. The principal statistics of these undertakings are shown in the following table : — •

These industries are at present worked chiefly under European sui)er- vision and supported by European capital. It may be hoped that in time the natives of the country will follow the lead thus given them.

It is said that the supply of labour for these large industries has not kept pace with the rapidly growing demand, but in spite of this the number returned as employed in 1902 aggregated 253,000, compared with 247,000 ten years earlier. The real increase is much greater, as many industries employing less than twenty-five persons have been left out of account in recent years ; and if allowance be made for these, the total number of labourers employed in 1902 may be estimated at 275,000.

The returns for 1903 show altogether 261,656 persons employed. These labourers come chiefly from Bihar and the United Provinces and, to a less extent, from Chota Nagpur. The wages ofl"ered by the mills are nearly double those obtained by unskilled labourers in the tracts whence they chiefly come ; and, although the cost of living is also higher, there is no doubt that the rapid expansion of this field of employment is a great boon to the poorer classes. Their main object is to save as much money as they can for the support of their families at home or as a provision for their old age. In the meantime, they live huddled to- gether in crowded lodging-houses as close as possible to the mills and factories where they work ; but in other respects they fare far better than they would do in their own country, and their dietary is much more liberal and of a far better quality than that to which they are accustomed at home.

Commerce and trade

British trade with Bengal commenced about 1633; but prior to the acquisition of the Province it was on a very small scale, and in 1759 only thirty vessels with an aggregate burden of less than 4,000 tons sailed from Calcutta. The chief , trade exports were opium from Bihar and Rangpur*, silk manufactured goods and raw silk from Murshidabad and Rajshahi*, muslins from Dacca*, indigo and saltpetre from Bihar, and cotton cloths from Patna. Little except bullion was imported. The 150 years of British rule have witnessed a commercial revolution. Hand- woven silks and cottons are no longer exported, and machine-made European piece-goods have taken the first place among the imports. On the other hand, owing to the increased facilities for the transport of goods, the food-crops have been largely displaced by fibres and oilseeds, which now figure largely among the exports. The principal imports are yarns and textile fabrics, metals and machinery, oil, and sugar ; and the principal exports are raw and manufactured jute, coal, tea, opium, hides, rice, linseed, indigo, and lac. Bengal enjoys a practical monopoly of the export of coal, raw and manufactured jute, lac, saltpetre, and raw silk, and has a large or preponderating share in that of opium, indigo, rice, hides, and tea.

The maritime trade of the Province is concentrated in Calcutta. Chittagong*, the terminus of the Assam-Bengal Raihvay, exports jute, rice, and tea, and imports salt and oil ; but its total trade is still comparatively small. The Orissa ports do an insignificant rice trade. The head-quarters of the jute trade are Narayanganj*, Sirajganj*, Chandpur*, and Madaripur* in East Bengal, and JalpaigurI* in North Bengal ; the jute-mills line both banks of the Hooghly river from lo miles below to 30 miles above Calcutta. Patna is still a market for grain, but the East Indian Railway has robbed it of much of its importance. Raniganj, Asansol, GTrTdTh, Jherria, and Barakar are the centres of the coal trade. Calcutta, with its suburbs of Howrah, Garden Reach, and Chitpur, is the centre of the commercial and industrial activities of the Province.

The Bengal Chamber of Commerce was founded in 1834, and represents all the large commercial interests of Calcutta. The Bengal National Chamber of Commerce and the Calcutta Trades Association have been formed to protect the interests of native merchants and of the retail trading community. The affairs of the Calcutta and Chittagong ports are administered by Port Trusts.

Broadly stated, the imports into Calcutta represent the convergence of the products of the country to the chief seaport for shipment overseas, and the exports from Calcutta the distribution inland of foreign imports ; the principal articles of export and import are thus the same as have already been enumerated for the Province as a whole.

The registration of internal trade is defective, except for Calcutta, and complete returns exist only for rail-borne traffic. The Province is divided for registration purposes into eight blocks. The articles most largely exported from the Eastern block are jute, grain and pulses, timber, kerosene oil, and fodder; from the Northern block jute, grain and pulses, tobacco, and tea ; from the Dacca* block jute ; and from Bihar grain, pulses, oilseeds, stone, and lime. All the blocks obtain their piece-goods from Calcutta. Calcutta receives rice from East and West Bengal ; coal from West Bengal and Chota Nagpur ; jute from Dacca* and East and North Bengal; timber from East Bengal ; grain and pulses from West, East, and North Bengal, Dacca*, and Bihar ; and oil- seeds, opium, and indigo from Bihar. West Bengal imports salt, oilcake, wrought iron and steel, and sugar from Calcutta ; coal and timber from Chota Nagpur ; and grain, stone, lime, and oilseeds from Bihar. East Bengal draws its supplies of salt and railway material from Calcutta ; coal from West Bengal and from Chota Nagpur ; and jute and rice from North Bengal. Bihar imports coal and timber from Chota Nagpur.

The railways, rivers, canals, and roads carry country produce to the ports for export, and distribute the imports : the main routes of traffic will be described under the head of Communications. Calcutta, the chief receiving and distributing centre, is connected with all parts of the Province by the railways, which carry the bulk of the internal trade. Next in importance as a channel of communication are the Calcutta and Eastern Canals, which carry enormous quantities of rice and jute from the eastern Districts into Calcutta.

Jute is either exported from Calcutta or manufactured in the mills on the Hooghly. In the former case it is pressed into bales to reduce the freight. One-third of the jute pressed at Narayanganj* finds its way to Chittagong* by the Assam-Bengal Railway, and is thence shipped direct. The presses and the mills obtain their jute from the cultivator through native brokers, and the trade in Calcutta is largely in the hands of European brokers. Tea grown in North Bengal is taken to Calcutta by rail, but most of that produced in Assam is carried thither by steamer, and shipped thence to London either by the producers, or by brokers who purchase it at auction. Considerable and increasing quantities of Assam tea are, however, now sent by the Assam-Bengal Railway to Chittagong*, and are shipped thence direct to England. Coal is carried by rail from the mines to Calcutta, whence it is shipped to Bombay and other coast ports. Opium intended for export is also brought to Calcutta, where it is sold at auction by the Board of Revenue. Imported foreign goods are bought by native merchants, through European brokers, from the consignees, and distributed up- country.

Only 8 per 1,000 of the population are engaged in commerce. A great part of the trade is in the hands of enterprising merchants from Marwar, chiefly Agarwals and Oswals ; the indigenous dealers belong in Bengal to the Sunri, Kayasth, Teli, Subarnabanik, and Brahman castes, and in Bihar to the Rauniar and Kalwar castes. The Marwaris are bankers and money-lenders, and dealers in piece-goods and country produce ; of the other castes mentioned, the Brahmans and Kayasths are engaged as brokers, money-lenders, and bankers, while the others are for the most part petty shopkeepers.

Statistics of the value (i) of the trade with other Provinces and States in India, (ii) of the foreign maritime trade, and (iii) of the foreign land trade are given in Tables V-VII on pp. 348-50. Of the trade by sea with other Provinces the largest share, both in imports and exports, is with Burma, which sends rice, timber, and kerosene oil to Bengal, and receives from it coal, tobacco, gunny-bags, and betel-nuts. Next comes the Bombay Presidency, which supplies Bengal with cotton goods and salt, in exchange for coal, rice, gunny-bags and cloth, and tea. The trade by land with Provinces other than those named is carried by rail and river, and much of it is due to the position of Calcutta as a seaport and medium of trade with other countries. The largest share of this trade is with the United Provinces, whence are received opium,

VOL. VH. T

oilseeds, grain and pulses, hides and skins, and wool manufactures, and to which are sent cotton piece-goods, gunny-bags and cloth, metals, and sugar. From Assam, Calcutta receives tea, oilseeds, grain and pulses, and stone and lime, and sends in return cotton piece-goods, metals and manufactures of metals, oils (mostly rape and mustard), and salt. Excluding the trade with Calcutta, the imports of Bengal consist mainly of the staple products of the United Provinces, Assam, and the Central Provinces, and the exports consist mainly of grain and pulses, coal, jute, gunny-bags and cloth, spices, and sugar.

Of the foreign trade by far the largest part is with countries in Europe ; and of this the greatest share is with the United Kingdom, from which two-thirds of the imports come. Kerosene oil is imported from Russia, sugar and piece-goods from Germany, wrought iron and steel from Belgium, and sugar from Austria-Hungary and from the Straits. The United Kingdom takes one-third of the total exports, and Germany as much as all the other countries combined.

The foreign land trade is insignificant except with Nepal, which absorbs about 92 per cent, of the total. Tibet still presents a practically closed door to the Indian trader, and with Sikkim and Bhutan the trade is trifling. About half of the imports consists of grain and pulses (largely rice) ; the exports are cotton yarn and piece-goods (European and Indian), metals, provisions, and salt.

Communication

The total length of the railways in the Province in 1904 was 4,578-4 miles, of which the state owned 3,894-8 miles, 971-3 being worked by the state and 2,923-5 by companies, while 616-7 miles belonged to assisted companies, 33-3 miles to an unassisted company, and 33-6 to Native States ; no lines are owned by guaranteed companies. Of the total length, 2,932-6 miles belonged to inter-Provincial railways ; these are the East Indian, Bengal- Nagpur, Assam-Bengal, and Bengal and North-Western Railways. The East Indian Railway, a broad-gauge line owned by the state, the length of which in Bengal is 1,211-6 miles, connects Bengal with the

'In the same year the railways in Bengal as now constituted had a length of 3,484-9 miles, of which 3,040-5 miles were owned by the state, 377-5 miles by assisted com- panies, 33-3 miles by an unassisted company, and 33-6 miles by Native States. Of the state-owned railways, 2,808-8 miles were worked by companies, and 231-7 by the state. Of the total length, 3,049.6 miles belonged to inter-Provincial railways : namely, the East Indian, Bengal-Nagpur, Bengal and North-Western, and Eastern Bengal State Railways.

As a result of the partition the following railways now lie entirely outside the Province : the Assam-Bengal (193-9 miles), Bengal-Duars (i52-3)> Mymensingh- Jamalpur-Jagannathganj (51-4), and Noakhali (34-9) Railways. The Eastern Bengal State Railway now lies partly outside Bengal, 231-6 miles being included in the Province and 739-6 miles in Eastern Bengal and Assam. The length of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway within Bengal has at the same lime been increased liy 79.2 miles.

United Provinces, and for many years was the only connexion between Calcutta and Bombay. It enters Bengal on crossing the Karamnasa river a little west of Buxar, and has its terminus on the west bank of the Hooghly at Howrah, which is connected with Calcutta by a pontoon bridge. There is also a short link-line which connects the East Indian Railway at Hooghly with the Eastern Bengal State Railway at Naihati, The earliest alignment of the East Indian Railway ran due north from Howrah to Sahibganj, where it struck the Ganges, and then swung westwards along the south bank of that river. This is now known as the loop-line, and has been replaced for through traffic by a chord-line from Luckeesarai to Khana junction. Another chord-line from Mughal Sarai via Gaya and Katrasgarh to Sitarampur was opened in 1907. The East Indian Railway is the main carrier between Bengal and the United Provinces, and it taps the coal-fields in the neigh- bourhood of Raniganj. This railway is worked by a company, which also works the South Bihar and Tarakeswar Railways, two small broad- gauge lines owned by assisted companies.

The Bengal-Nagpur Railway is owned by the state, but is worked by a company of that name. It is a broad-gauge line with a length of 855-4 miles within Bengal, and a terminus at Howrah ; it forms a con- necting link between Bengal and Madras, and provides an alternative and shorter route to Bombay. The bifurcation of the lines to Madras and Bombay takes place at Kharakpur, 70 miles west of Calcutta, whence the Madras line runs south through Orissa, while the Bombay line passes west through Chota Nagpur to the Central Provinces. This line taps the Jherria coal-field, and competes with the East Indian Railway as a coal-carrier to Calcutta.

The Assam-Bengal Railway is also a state line worked by a company. It is a metre-gauge line with a length of 193*9 miles within Bengal. The terminus is at Chittagong* and the main line runs north-east to Assam. From Laksham* a branch runs west to Chandpur* on the Meghna, whence communication with Calcutta is established by steamer to Goalundo* ; and another branch from Laksham* to Noakhali* has also been opened by the company, to whom land was given free of charge. This line competes with the river steamers in carrying tea from Assam, and it also brings Narayanganj* jute from Chandpur* to Chittagong* for shipment.

The Bengal and North-Western Railway, a metre-gauge line, con- necting North Bengal and Bihar with the United Provinces, belongs to an assisted company, which also works the Tirhut State Railway, and has a length in this Province of 671-7 miles, including 535 miles of the Tirhut State Railway. The metre-gauge line from Sagauli to Raxaul, 18 miles in length, was purchased from a company and incorporated with the Tirhut State Railway. It is linked with the

Eastern Bengal State Railway at Katihar, and with the East Indian Railway by ferries across the Ganges. The railways lying wholly within Bengal are the Eastern Bengal State (including the former Bengal Central), the Noakhali ^ (Bengal), the Mymensingh-Jamalpur-Jagannathganj \ the South Bihar, the Bengal- Duars, the Calcutta Port Commissioners', the Darjeeling-Himalayan, the Deogarh, the Tarakeswar and the Cooch Behar Railways, and the Howrah-Amta, Howrah-Sheakhala, Tarakeswar-Magra, Bakhtiyarpur- Bihar, Barasat-Baslrhat, and Baripada light railways.

The Eastern Bengal State Railway is of different gauges : 278-7 miles on the 5 feet 6 inch gauge and 20-3 miles on the 2 feet 6 inch gauge are on the south of the Padma, and north of that river 63 7 -6 miles are on the metre-gauge and 34-8 miles on the 2 feet 6 inch gauge. The Cooch Behar State Railway, on the 2 feet 6 inch gauge, which is also on the north of the same river, forms part of the Eastern Bengal State Railway system. The terminus is at Sealdah in Calcutta. The main line runs north to the foot of the Himalayas at Siliguri, crossing the Padma by a ferry at Sara*. From Poradaha a branch line runs east to the steamer terminus at Goalundo* ; and from Parvatlpur*, north of the Ganges, branches run east to Dhubri in Assam and west to Katihar, where a junction is effected with the Bengal and North-Western Rail- way. Branch lines run south from Calcutta to Diamond Harbour, Budge-Budge, and Port Canning ; and an isolated branch from Narayanganj* runs north to Dacca* and Mymensingh*, and thence to Jagannathganj* via Singhani. This railway brings to Calcutta large quantities of jute and tea from North Bengal and of jute from East

The Bengal Central Railway, on the 5 feet 6 inch gauge, is a state line formerly worked by a company, which has been worked by the Eastern Bengal State Railway since July i, 1905, the date of the termination of the contract between the Secretary of State for India and the company. It runs north-east from its terminus at Sealdah to Khulna, with a branch from Bangaon to Ranaghat, and carries a large jute traffic. The Bengal-Duars Railway on the metre-gauge traverses Jalpaiguri District*, and is connected with the Eastern Bengal State Railway system at Jalpaiguri* and Lalmanir Hat*. It serves the sub- Himalayan tea district known as the Duars. The Calcutta Port Com- missioners' Railway on the 5 feet 6 inch gauge connects the Eastern Bengal State Railway north of Calcutta with the docks ; a short branch runs on the Howrah bank from Telkal Ghat to Shalimar. The Deogarh Railway is a metre-gauge line of short length running from Baidyanath, a station on the East Indian Railway, to Deogarh, a popular place of Hindu pilgrimage. The Darjeeling-Himalayan Railway, which is Transfered entirely from Bengal. assisted by Government, runs from SilTgurl, the northern terminus of the Eastern Bengal State Raihvay, to Darjeeh'ng. The ruHng gradient is I in 28, and curves with radii varying from 60 feet (the sharpest) to 1,000 feet are ahiiost continuous on the hill portion of the line.

The Howrah-Amta Light Raihvay, like most of the other light lines, receives a 4 per cent, guarantee from the District board, and any profits above that figure are divided equally between the board and the company. Several similar lines huve been constructed of late years, the most recent being the Barasat-Basirhat Railway opened in 1905. The Tarakeswar-Magra Iight Railway is also on the 2 feet 6 inch gauge. The Baripada Light Railway, a feeder-line with a 2 feet 6 inch gauge, opened in 1905, connects the Mayurbhanj State with the Bengal-Nagpur Raihvay system.

The rapid extension of railways has revolutionized agricultural and trade conditions. They have rendered the greater portion of the Province immune from famine, and have greatly reduced the difliculty of battling with it in the few Districts still liable to its attacks. The railways have also done much to level prices and to moderate their fluctuations ; and by putting food-grains in circulation, they have led to a vast increase in the cultivation of fibres, oilseeds, and other non- food crops of commercial value.

The principal statistics in connexion with the Provincial railways are given in Table VIII at the end of this article (pp. 351-2). Roads are classed as Provincial or District roads, the former being maintained from Provincial and the latter from District funds. Pro- vincial aid is occasionally given to the District boards for the construc- tion of new roads, especially for those intended to serve as feeders to railways. Minor roads are classed as municipal. Local fund, military or cantonment, and village roads.

The total length^ of Provincial roads, which was 1,663 miles in 1890-1 and 1,659 in 1900-1, increased to 2,406 in 1903-4. During the same periods the length of District roads increased from 32,110 to 37,728 and to 50,631 miles respectively; the last figure includes a great many village roads already in existence but not previously taken into account. The maintenance of Provincial roads cost 6-27 lakhs in 1890-1, 12-29 lakhs in 1900-1, and 9-99 lakhs in 1903-4. The corresponding figures for District roads were 22-09, 22-81, and 21-16 lakhs. The increase in the cost of maintenance of Provincial roads in igoo-r was due to the expenditure of 7-34 lakhs on the Darjeeling roads after the cyclone. The grand trunk road traverses the Burdwan, Chota Nagpur, and Patna Divisions, from Calcutta to the western frontier, with a total

' The total length of Provincial roads in 1904-5 in the Province as now constituted was 2,362 miles, and of District roads 36,367 miles. The cost of maintenance of Provincial roads was 8-21 lakhs, and of District roads 14-45 lakhs. length in the Province of 390 miles. The Orissa trunk road runs from Calcutta via Cuttack to the Madras border, the length being 320 miles. The Ranlganj-Midnapore road has a length of loi miles, and the Barakar-KanchI road of 120 miles. The Ganges-Darjeeling road runs from near Katihar to Siligurl for 124 miles. These roads are metalled. An important unmetalled road runs from Chittagong* to Daudkandi*, a distance of 124 miles.

In the alluvial soil of Bengal proper it is very dit^cult to make good roads. The roads are raised by embankments above the level of the swamps with earth dug from the roadsides, but, stone not being avail- able locally, very few of them can be metalled. Those which are metalled are soled with brick and dressed with broken brick. Stone is employed only in Calcutta and Chittagong*, to which ports ships bring stone in ballast. Elsewhere in the Province laterite and ka?ikar make excellent road material, and stone also is sometimes available. The construction of railways has diminished the importance of the trunk roads, some of which have consequently been made over to District boards for maintenance. On the other hand, the increased facilities afforded by the railways for the export and import of goods have created a demand for numerous feeder-roads.

The ordinary country cart of Bengal consists of a framework of bamboo, supported on two wooden wheels and a wooden axle. The body is in the shape of a triangle tapering down towards the front, and it is drawn by a pair of bullocks which are yoked to a cross-bar about 4 feet long. The felloes of the wheels are made of six segments of sissu wood, and there are six spokes arranged in parallel pairs. The ekka is a light two-wheeled trap, drawn by a single pony. The body consists of a framework covered with coarse cloth with netvar tape woven across. It can be used over the most uneven ground. The Jiianjholi and the chaiiipani are both drawn by a pair of bullocks. The former is similar to an ekkd^ but the yoke consists of a beam of wood at right angles to another long beam projecting from the body of the cart. The champani is a two-wheeled, and sometimes a four-wheeled, light carriage similar in construction to an omnibus. It has, however, no benches within to sit on, and the travellers squat or lie down as they please. It has a pole with a cross-bar, which rests on the necks of the bullocks which drag it.

On the hill roads of Darjeeling a very heavy strongly made cart is used. In Bihar a distinction is made between the large heavy country cart or chakrd and the sd^^ar, which is rougher, lighter, and cheaper, but otherwise very similar. In Chota Nagpur and the Orissa Tributary States, where the sagar is also in use among the villagers, the wheels do not exceed 2| feet in diameter, and are made by joining three pieces of solid wood hewn out of a mango or viahud tree ; being low and narrow, it is well suited for rough work and bad roads. The Oriya cart is peculiar. It consists of two poles of ^(7/ wood or bamboo tied together at one end and about 3 feet apart at the other, and joined by cross-bars at intervals. The framework rests on a pair of wheels about 4 feet high and about 4 feet apart, and there is as much behind as in front of the axle-bar. The bullocks are yoked one on each side of the narrow end, and will drag half a ton 15 or 20 miles a day on a metalled road. For carrying grain a long coffin-shaped basket of split bamboo holding some 10 maunds is fitted on to the body of the cart, while in towns the body itself is often made in the shape of a box for transporting road materials. In Cuttack town, with the advent of the railway, the light little Madras hackeries drawn by a single bullock have become common.

Several steam tramways have been opened in rural areas ; but these would be more properly described as light railways, and as such have been mentioned in the section dealing with railways. The only tramway in urban areas is that serving the city of Calcutta, which is owned by a private company. This tramway was formerly dependent on horse traction ; but the unsatisfactory condition of the tramway lines and of the traction employed led in 1900 to the framing of a new agreement between the Corporation and the company, the main features of which were the introduction of electric traction by means of overhead wires, the postponement of the Corporation's right to purchase the tramways to 1 93 1, and the restriction of the fixed track rents payable by the company for the existing tramways to Rs. 35,000 a year. An arrange- ment has recently been made with the Calcutta Tramways Company for the introduction of a similar electric tramway service in Howrah.

The Calcutta and Eastern Canals are a system of improved natural channels connected by artificial canals, which carry the produce of East Bengal and of the Brahmaputra Valley to Calcutta. The total length is 1,127 niiles, and the capital outlay amounts to 77-1 lakhs. The net revenue in 1903-4 was 1-3 lakhs, and in the same year the value of the goods carried was estimated at 512 lakhs.

The HijiLi Tidal and Orissa Coast Canals run from the mouth of the Rupnarayan river to Chandbali in Balasore District, with a total length of 159 miles. The capital cost of the two canals has been 26-15 and 44-79 lakhs respectively. Their gross revenue in 1903-4 amounted to Rs. 42,000 and Rs. 34,000 respectively ; the former showed a small profit and the latter a loss on the year's working. The Bengal-Nagpur Railway has diverted much of the traffic from these canals, as it has also from the Midnapore and Orissa Canals, which, like the Son Canals, were constructed primarily for irrigation. The Midnapore Canal is navigable for 72 miles, and the tolls collected in 1903-4 amounted to Rs. 47,153. The Orissa Canals are navigable for 205 miles, and carried in 1903-4 cargo valued at 74 lakhs, the tolls aggregating Rs. 70,336. The Son Canals are navigable for 218 miles. The East Indian Rail- way has killed the traffic on them, and in 1903-4 they carried cargo valued at only 16 lakhs, the tolls amounting to Rs. 22,708.

Finally, the Nadia Rivers are a group of spill channels of the Ganges, which are kept open by artificial means in the dry season, and are navigable for 472 miles. In 1903-4 the cargo carried by them was valued at 205 lakhs ; the gross revenue amounted to Rs. 88,402, but there was a loss of Rs. 15,986 on the year's working.

In the east of the Province the rivers and estuaries carry the bulk of the country trade, and the roads are little used, especially in the rainy season. The chief waterways are the Ganges and Brahmaputra, and their joint estuary the Meghna, which are navigable throughout their course in Bengal by river steamers and large country boats. Both rivers throw off in their lower reaches innumerable distributaries, which inter- sect the country in every direction and enable boats to find their way to every village and almost to the door of every cottage. The eastern deltaic offshoots of the Ganges feed the Calcutta and Eastern Canals. The Gandak in North Bihar still carries a heavy traffic, and the MahanadI and Brahman! tap the hinterland of Orissa.

Weekly steamers ply to Chittagong* and to Chandbali on the Orissa coast ; small steamers also run from Chittagong* to Cox's Bazar*. Goalundo*, at the confluence of the Padma and Brahmaputra rivers, is the terminus of a great steamer traffic up the Ganges to Ghazlpur, and up the Brahmaputra to Dibrugarh. A daily service to Narayanganj* connects Dacca* with Calcutta, while mail steamers to Chandpur* link up the Assam-Bengal with the Eastern Bengal State Railway. Steamers ply daily from Calcutta through the Sundarbans to Assam, via Barisal*, Chandpur*, and Narayanganj*. On the Hooghly river steamers run daily up to Kalna, and down to Budge-Budge, Ulubaria, and Ghatal. On the Padma steamers ply between Damukdia Ghat and Rampur Boalia* and Godagari*, with a continuation to English Bazar (Malda)*, and between English Bazar* and Sultanganj. From Khulna steamers run to Barisal*, Noakhali*, Narayanganj*, Madaripur* and other places, and there is a daily service on the Brahmaputra from Goal undo* to Phulcharl*. Backergunge District* is also well served by steamers.

Several lines of steamers connect Calcutta with London, the principal being those of the Peninsular and Oriental and the British India Steam Navigation Companies, and the City, Clan, Harrison, and Anchor Lines. The Hansa Line has a steamer service to Hamburg and Bremen, the Austrian-Lloyd Steam Navigation Company to Trieste, and the Brockle- bank Line to Antwerp. The South African mails are carried by the Natal Line, while the steamers of the Indian and African Line also ply between Calcutta and Durban. The chief steamers running to Australia are those of the British India Steam Navigation Company and the Currie and Commonwealth Lines. A steamer of the Messageries

Maritimes Company plies regularly between Calcutta, Pondicherry, and Colombo, where it connects with the main line between Marseilles and the Far East. Vessels belonging to the fleet of the British India Steam Navigation Company carry passengers and cargo to Penang and Singa- pore, and also to Chittagong*, Akyab, Rangoon, Moulmein, and various coast ports on both sides of the peninsula. The Calcutta-Hongkong Line of Messrs. Apcar & Co. maintains a regular service to Penang, Singapore, and Hongkong; while the Asiatic Steam Navigation Company carries the mails to Port Blair, and has a line of steamers running weekly to Burma and fortnightly to the coast ports and Bombay.

Country boats are of all shapes and sizes, and the largest carry some 150 tons. They are generally very broad in the beam and of light draught. All carry a great square sail, the larger boats adding a topsail. Against wind they are rowed, or poled if the water be shallow, and against tide or current they are towed from the bank. The cargo boats are always decked over. Passengers use the budgerow, a broad-beamed craft with ample cabin space and room for a galley in the stern. The bhaulid is a smaller and more lightly built passenger boat. On the smaller streams and across the swamps light dug-outs carry all the traffic. They are poled in shallow water and paddled on the deeper channels.

The larger rivers are rarely bridged, and passengers, carts, and cattle cross in ferry-boats. These ferries are leased annually at auction for a considerable sum. Some are Provincial, but most have been made over to District boards and municipalities. The total receipts from ferries in 1903-4 were 6-5 lakhs, of which 5 lakhs was credited to District boards and 1-5 lakhs to municipalities. Steam ferries ply across the Ganges, connecting railway systems ; the most important are at Sara, Mokanieh, and Paleza Ghat. A steam ferry crosses the Hooghly from Diamond Harbour to Geonkhali.

The Province is divided for postal purposes into three circles \ of which the Bengal circle (which includes Katmandu in Nepal) is under a Postmaster-General, and the East Bengal and Bihar circles under Deputy-Postmasters-General. Each circle is subdivided into divisions managed by Superintendents. The table on the next page shows the remarkable advance which has taken place in postal business, for the three Bengal circles taken together.

The business is, however, still very small in comparison with the population, and the number of postal articles of all kinds delivered in 1903-4 works out to only two per head of the population. The figures relate to both the Imperial and District post. The latter system was a substitute for the official posts which under ancient custom

'In 1905 the Province, as reconstituted, became a single circle, the Jiihar circle being abolished.Bengal landowners had to maintain. A tax, known as the Dak cess, was levied, and expended in maintaining postal communications required for administrative purposes, the up-keep of which was not warranted on commercial principles. The District Magistrate decided what communi- cations were to be opened and maintained, but their management was in the hands of the Postal department. The expenditure from this cess, which was fixed for each District according to its requirements, averaged 3-58 lakhs annually for the five years ending in 1903-4. In 1903-4 the offices numbered 292, the length worked was 11,832 miles, and the expenditure amounted to Rs. 3,53,384. In 1906 the tax was abolished, and the District post was amalgamated with the Imperial system.

Administration

As already stated, the immediate control of the Province of Bengal 1 This subject is fully discussed in the Bengal Census Report for 1901, par.agraphs iSi, 184, 1S6, 199, 202, and 397. was vested in the Governor-General of India till 1854, when a Lieuten- ant-Governor was appointed. He has a staff of five secretaries — three for the ordinary civil administration and two for Public Works. The former are the Chief Secretary, who is in charge of the Revenue, Political, and Appointment departments, the General Secretary in the Judicial and General departments, and the Secretary in the Financial and Municipal departments. One of the Public Works Secretaries is concerned with irrigation, marine, and railways, and the other with roads and buildings. The Judicial de- partment was formerly under the Chief Secretary, and revenue matters were dealt with by the General Secretary ; but recently (1905) a redis- tribution of work has been introduced by which the Revenue depart- ment has been transferred to the Chief Secretary, and the Judicial department to the General Secretary. The branches of work now under the Chief Secretary include land revenue, surveys and settle- ments, agriculture, forests, mines, police, registration, and political matters ; those under the Judicial and General Secretary include prisons, education, and emigration ; and those under the Financial and Municipal Secretary include separate revenue, opium, local self- government, medical, and sanitation.

The control of all matters connected with the collection of the revenue and the administration of the land is vested in the Board of Revenue, which was constituted by Regulation III of 1822. There are two members, one of whom deals with land revenue, surveys and settlements, land registration, the management of wards' estates, the collection of cesses, &c., and the other with miscellaneous revenue, including excise, opium, income-tax, salt, customs, and the like. Each member is vested with the full powers of the Board in respect of his own department, and can act for his colleague if the latter is absent.

For administrative purposes Bengal is divided into nine Divisions, each of which is superintended by a Commissioner. Of these, five — the Burdwan, Presidency, Rajshahi*, Dacca*, and Chittagong* Di- visions — lie within the limits of Bengal proper ; two — Patna and Bha- galpur — make up the sub-province of Bihar, while Orissa and Chota Nagpur each forms a separate Commissionership. The average area ^ of a Commissioner's Division is rather more than 17,000 square miles, and the average population is a little more than 8 millions. The Chota Nagpur Division with 27,000 square miles is the largest, while the most populous is the Patna Division with 15^ millions, or about the population of the Bombay Presidency, excluding Sind. The Com- missioner exercises a general control over the conduct of affairs within his Division. He is responsible for seeing that the local officers duly

' Bengal now consists of six Divisions, the .iverage area being a little over 19,000 square miles. perform the duties required of them, and that the orders issued by Government are carried into effect. He is addressed by the local officers when they are in need of instructions, and he refers to Govern- ment or to the Board of Revenue all questions which he is not competent to dispose of himself. He also assists Government and the Board with his advice when called upon to do so.

These Divisions are again subdivided into Districts, each under a District officer, known as the Magistrate and Collector in regulation, and the Deputy-Commissioner in non-regulation^ tracts. Including Angul and the Chittagong Hill Tracts*, but excluding Calcutta, there are in all forty-seven Districts. The two largest are Hazaribagh and RanchI, each extending over more than 7,000 square miles, or about half as large again as Wales, while the smallest is Howrah with only 510 square miles. The greatest number of inhabitants is found in Mymensingh*, whose population of 4,000,000 does not fall far short of that of the whole of Upper Burma. The average area^ of a District exceeds 3,300 square miles, and the average population is more than 1^ millions.

These Districts again are usually partitioned into two or more sub- divisions, the head-quarters subdivision being usually administered by the District Magistrate and each of the others by a Joint, Assistant, or Deputy-Magistrate subordinate to him. The total number of these subdivisions is 134. Their area is on the average" 1,177 square miles, and their population more than 559,000. The last and smallest unit of administration is the police circle or thana. This is primarily the unit of police administration, and is usually in charge of a sub-inspector ; but it has also come to be the acknowledged unit of territorial partition and is used in all administrative matters. The number of thdnas in Bengal is 569, or about 12 per District; their average area is 277 square miles, and their population about 130,000 persons. The fiscal divisions of the Muhammadans, called parganas, formed the basis of the British revenue system ; but they are wanting in compactness and, except for the purpose of land revenue payments, they are no longer of any prac- tical importance.

The mainstay of the British administration is the District officer. He is the executive chief and administrator of the tract of country com- mitted to him, and all other magisterial, police, and revenue officers therein employed are subordinate to him. As District Magistrate he is

' The non-regulation Districts are those in which some at least of the general laws and regulations are not in force. They form the ' Scheduled Districts ' referred to in Act XIV of 1874 (see Vol. IV, p. 130. There are now thirty-three Districts, the average area being 3,500 square miles.

There are now 100 subdivisions, the average area being 1,170 square miles and the average population 504,000. the head of the department of criminal justice, which is charged with the trial of all but the more important charges; the latter are committed to the Court of Sessions, if inquiry goes to show that a prima facie case has been established. He is assisted in police matters by the District Superintendent of police, who is allowed a free hand in all purely administrative details. He is ex-officio chairman of the District board, and, as such, is in charge of all local public works, village sanitation, and education ; he is assisted in these matters by the District Engineer and the Deputy-Inspector of schools. The municipalities of the Dis- trict are sometimes presided over by official, and sometimes by non- official, chairmen, but in either case the District officer is expected to exercise a general supervision and control. He is also ex-officio Regis- trar of assurances. As Collector he is responsible for the realization of all kinds of revenue and taxes, for the management of Government estates, the assessment of the income-tax, the settlement of, and super- vision over, excise and opium shops, &c., &c. The officers in charge of subdivisions exercise in their own jurisdictions, in subordination to the District officer, the powers of chief local magistrate ; certain other powers are also delegated to them, but they do not usually collect land revenue, and in police matters they have only judicial and not executive control.

The Magistrate-Collector is assisted in the criminal and revenue administration of the District by a subordinate staff — a Joint-Magis- trate, Deputy-Magistrate-Collectors, Assistant Magistrate-Collectors, and Sub-Deputy Magistrate-Collectors. Joint-Magistrates and Assistant Ma- gistrates are junior officers of the Indian Civil Service ; the other officials are recruited in India, and are members of the Provincial or the Subor- dinate civil service. All these officials are stationed either at District or at subdivisional head-quarters.

The village watch are paid from taxation assessed and collected in the villages by ihe. panchayats, who represent all that remains in Bengal of village autonomy. These panchayats assist in the registration of vital statistics ; and recently, in order to develop the system of village govern- ment, it has been decided that the presidents of the panchayats are to be ex-officio visitors of primary schools aided from public funds or under public management, and also of pounds, public ferries, and public sarais in their Unions. In some Districts the presidents have also been granted certain magisterial powers. In Chota Nagpur village communities are still to be found, and some account of the system is given in the article on the Munda tribe.

The following are the Native States under the control of, or in political relations with, the Government of Bengal' : —

' la 1906 Sikkim and Bhutan were i)lacecl in direct relations with the Government of India. Sikkini lies to the east of Nepal and is bounded on the north and north-east by Tibet, on the east by Bhutan, and on the south by Dar- jeeling District. Early in the nineteenth century Silckim was menaced by the Gurkhas, but its independence was secured by the treaty made with Nepal in 18 16, at which time it included the greater part of the present District of Darjeeling. In 1835 part of the hilly tract west of the Tista was ceded to the British Government, for the purpose of a sanitarium ; and in 1850 the rest of it and the tarai^ i.e. the Sillguri thana, were annexed on account of the Raja's misbehaviour. For many years the State was left to manage its own affairs, but for some time prior to 1888 the Tibetans were found to be intriguing with the Maharaja, who became more and more unfriendly.

Affairs reached a climax in 1888, when an expedition was sent against the Tibetans, who had advanced into Sikkim and built a fort at Lingtu. The Sikkim State was occupied by British troops, and the Tibetans were driven off with ease. Since 1889 a Political officer has been stationed at Gangtok, to advise and assist the Maharaja and his council. No precise rules have ever been laid down for the civil and criminal administration. All except very trivial cases are tried at Gangtok, either by the Maharaja himself or by the Political officer, or by one or other of them in associa- tion with some member of the council. Appeals are heard by the Maharaja, sitting with one or more members of the council, or by a committee of the council. Capital sentences passed by other autho- rities require the confirmation of the Maharaja. The annual budget estimates of income and expenditure are, in the first instance, approved by the Maharaja and the council, and are then submitted for the sanction of the Government by the Political officer.

Bhutan lies east of Sikkim and Darjeeling and north of Jalpaiguri* and of the Goalpara, Kamrup, and Darrang Districts of Assam. It is internally independent, and there is no British Resident. Repeated outrages on British subjects by the hillmen, and the brutal treatment of a British envoy, led in 1864 to the hostilities already described, which resulted in the confiscation of the Duars*, or submontane tracts, with the passes leading into the hills, in return for which an annual subsidy of Rs. 50,000 is paid at Buxa*. Since then relations with Bhutan have, on the whole, been of a friendly character ; and under the ascendancy of the Tongsa Penlop, who, in the name of the Deb Raja, controls all public affairs, the country enjoys the advantage of a settled government. The Political officer in Sikkim now conducts relations with Bhutan also.

The Feudatory State of Cooch Behar lies in the plains at the foot of the Bhutan hills, between the District of Rangpur* and the Jalpaiguri Duars*. It is the only remnant of the great Koch kingdom founded by Biswa Singh in the early part of the sixteenth century,

VOL. VII. u which, under his son Nar Narayan, extended from the Mahananda as far east as Central Assam. On Nar Narayan's death the kingdom was divided into two parts, and only the western portion remained in the possession of the ancestors of the present Maharaja, who accepted the Muhammadans as their overlords. Their power gradually declined, and from time to time they were shorn of outlying parts of their dominions. Early in the eighteenth century the Bhotias began to interfere, and by 1772 they had taken possession of the Raja and of his capital. British aid was then sought, and, in consideration of the cession in perpetuity of half the revenues as then ascertained, the Bhotias were driven out. The Maharaja administers the State with the assistance of a council, of which he is the president, and which includes the Superintendent of the State, a British ofificer, who is vice-president, and two State officials — the Diwan, who is revenue member, and the Civil and Sessions Judge, who is the judicial member. The executive control is vested in the Faujdari Ahlkar, who corresponds to the Magistrate of a British District, and is subordinate to the Superintendent of the State. The Civil and Sessions Judge occupies much the same- position as the corresponding officer in Bengal regulation Districts. Sentences of death require the confirmation of the Maharaja. The budget is passed by the Maharaja, and does not need the sanction of any other authority ; but a general control over the affairs of the State is exercised by the Government of Bengal in the Political department.

Hill Tippera* lies to the south of Tippera District* and, like Cooch Behar, represents the last fragment of a once powerful kingdom, which formerly extended far into the plains of East Bengal and South Assam, and which long bade defiance to the Muhammadan Nawabs^ The Tippera kings were gradually deprived of their rule in the plains, and at the time of the acquisition of Bengal by the East India Company they exercised sovereign powers only in the hill tract now ruled by them. The Raja, however, derives the greater part of his income from certain large estates in British territory which he holds as zaminddr. No formal treaty regulates the relations between the British Government and the Raja of Hill Tippera*, but the succession of a new Raja has always been subject to recognition and investiture by the British authorities. No control was exercised in respect of the internal administration until the year 187 1, when an English officer was appointed to reside in the State as Political Agent, to protect British interests and advise the Raja. This officer was subsequently withdrawn, and his duties now devolve on the Magistrate and Collector of Tippera District*, who is ex-officio Political Agent for Hill Tippera . He is

' The Kajmdla, or Chronicle of the Kings of Tippera, has been analyzed by the Rev. J. Long, in a paper in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of /'Ciigal, vol. xix, P hoi-required to maintain a close watch over the affairs of the State, and it is to him that Government looks for information regarding all important occurrences there. All correspondence passes through him, and an annual report on the administration of the State is submitted to him for transmission to Government, through the Commissioner of the Chittagong Division*. The chief is himself the highest court of appeal in all civil and criminal matters, and sentences of death passed or confirmed by him are final.

The Orissa Tributary States^ are 17 in number: namely, Athgarh, Talcher, Mayurbhanj, Nllgiri, Keonjhar, Pal Lahara, Dhenkanal, Athmallik, Hindol, Narsinghpur, Baramba, Tigiria, Khandpara, Naya- garh, Ranpur, Daspalla, and Baud. These were acquired at the conquest of Orissa from the Marathas in 1803 ; but as they had never been brought under complete control by the native governments, they were exempted from the operation of the general Regulations. Treaties were made with the several States on various dates between 1803 and 1829. It has been held that these States do not form part of British India, and the status, position, and power of the chiefs are defined in their sanads. The chiefs administer civil and criminal justice under the supervision of the Commissioner of the Orissa Division, who is ex-officio Superintendent of the Tributary States.

All capital cases, and, except in special cases when a chief's powers have been increased, all heinous offences which require more than two years' imprisonment, are committed by the Assistants to the Superintendent of Tributary Mahals for trial. One of these is a special native Assistant, who tries sessions cases from certain States and such other cases as the Superintendent may make over to him ; the others are the Magistrates of Cuttack, Purl, and Balasore, and the Deputy-Commissioner of Angul, who are ex-officio Assistant Superintendents, but, with the exception of the two last mentioned, they do not often deal with criminal cases. The Assistant Superintendents have the power of District Magistrates and Sessions Judges, while the Superintendent has the powers of a Sessions Judge, and also, in respect of the proceedings of his subordinates, those of a High Court.

In Chota Nagpur there are seven Tributary and two Political States '^ The former, including Chang Bhakar*, Korea*, Jashpur*, Surguja*, Udaipur ', Gangpur, and Bonai, were tributaries of the Bhonsla dynasty Owing to the territorial change effected in October, 1905, the number of these States has been increased from 17 to 24, as two States, Gangpur and Bonai, have been transferred from the Chota Nagpur States, and five more, namely, Bamra, Rairakhol Sonpur, Patna, and Kalahandi, have been, transferred from ihe Central Provinces.

The Chota Nagpur States now include only tiie two Political Slates of Kharsawan and Saraikela. Of the other States, Gangpur and Bonai have been transferred to the Orissa Tributary Slates, and the rest, namely, Chang Bhakar, Korea, Jashpur, Surguja, and Udaipur, have been transferred to the Central Provinces. of Nagpur, and were ceded under the provisional agreement concluded with Madhuji Bhonsla in 1818. The tribute was then fixed at a lower rate than that levied under the Maratha government, and the settle- ments with the chiefs were made for a limited period. Fresh settlements for a nominal term of five years were made in 1827, but were not renewed until 1875, when they were made for a period of twenty years.

The latter were renewed in 1889, when the tribute was fixed for a further period of twenty years, and the States having in the mean- time been declared by the Secretary of State to be outside British India, the relations between them and the British Government were defined in their new sanads. The chiefs of these States are under the control of the Commissioner of Chota Nagpur. They are permitted to levy rents and certain other customary dues from their subjects. They are empowered to pass sentences of imprisonment up to five years and of fine to the extent of Rs. 200 ; but sentences of imprisonment for more than two years, or of fine exceeding Rs. 50, require the confirmation of the Commissioner. Heinous offences calling for heavier punish- ment are dealt with by the Deputy-Commissioners of Ranchi, Palamau, and Singhbhum, who exercise the powers of District Magistrates and Assistant Sessions Judges ; the Commissioner and Judicial Com- missioner in respect of such cases occupy the position of a Sessions Court, while the functions of a High Court are performed by the Government of Bengal.

The two Political States of Saraikela and Kharsawan lie in Singh- bhum, and control over them is exercised by the Commissioner through the Deputy-Commissioner of that District. They were claimed as feudatories by the Raja of Porahat, whose territory was confiscated in 1857 for rebellion, but was in 1895 restored as a revenue-free zanwidari to his son. It is believed that engagements were taken from the chiefs of these States, but they are not now forthcoming. They have now, however, received sanads similar to those described above, and their general position is much the same as that of the Rajas of the Tributary States, except that they do not pay tribute.

Legislation and justice

The laws in force in Bengal consist of (i) Acts of Parliament relating to India ; (2) certain still unrepealed Regulations of what was known as the Bengal Code, framed by the Executive Govern- iifstice nient before the creation of the legislative bodies j (3) Acts of the Governor-General's Legislative Council, now constituted under the Indian Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892; (4) Regulations for certain backward tracts issued by the Government of India under the Statute 33 Vict., c. 3 ; and lastly, (5) Acts of the Bengal Legislative Council. Ihe Bengal Council came into existence on January 18, 1862, under a proclamation by the Governor-General-in- Council which extended the provisions of the Indian Councils Act,

186 1, to the Bengal Division of the Presidency of Fort William '. The Council at first consisted of twelve members and a president, the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal; but this number has been raised to twenty under the Indian Councils Act, 1892. By regulations made under this Act, it has been provided that of the twenty members not more than ten shall be otificials ; of the non-official members seven are nominated by the Lieutenant-Governor on the recommendation of certain local bodies and associations, and three at his own discretion. The financial position of the Government of Bengal is explained in Council every year, and is there open to criticism, so far as it concerns the branches of revenue and expenditure that are under the control of the Government of Bengal. There is also a right of interpellation, which is limited to matters under the control of the Lieutenant- Governor, who may disallow questions which appear to him to be inconsistent with the public interest. No resolution can be proposed or division taken in connexion with the financial statement. Among the legislative measures enacted since 1880, which specially affect this Province, the following deserve mention :— Act of the Indian Council The Bengal Tenancy Act (VIII of 1S85). Acts of the Bengal Council The Bengal Drainage Act (VI of 188o\ The Cess Act (IX of 188o). The Bengal Municipal Act (III of 1884V The Bengal Local Self-Government Act (III of 1885). The Calcutta Port Act (III of 1890). The Public Demands Recovery Act (I of 1895). The Calcutta Municipal Act (III of 1899"). In respect of civil justice the High Court at Calcutta (more properly designated the High Court of Judicature at Fort William in Bengal) is a court of record and equity, and is constituted under the Indian High Courts Act, 1861, as the supreme court in Bengal, exercising both original (including ecclesiastical, admiralty, and bankruptcy) and appellate jurisdiction. Below the High Court are the District and Additional Judges, the Small Cause Courts, the Subordinate Judges, who are sometimes also appointed to be Assistant Judges, and the Munsifs. Of these, the District, Additional, and Assistant Judges also exercise the powers of a criminal court ; the others are purely civil judges, with the exception of a few Munsifs who are vested with magis- terial powers. The ordinary jurisdiction of a Munsif extends to all original suits cognizable by the civil courts in which the value of the subject-matter ' As regard:; legislation and ihe functions of the Provincial Legislative Councils, see Vol. IV, chap. v.

in dispute does not exceed Rs. i,ooo, or, if specially extended, Rs. 2,000. The jurisdiction of a Subordinate Judge or District Judge extends to all original suits cognizable by the civil courts. It does not, however, include the powers of a Small Cause Court unless these have been specially conferred. Appeals from Munsifs lie to the District Judge, or to the Subordinate Judge, if the High Court, with the sanction of the Local Government, so direct. Appeals from Subordinate Judges lie to the District Judge, except when the value of the subject-matter exceeds Rs. 5,000, in which case the appeal lies to the High Court. Appeals from the decrees and orders of District and Additional Judges lie to the High Court. An appeal may, subject to certain restrictions, be preferred from the High Court to the Privy Council in England, if the amount in dispute exceeds Rs. 10,000. The powers of Courts of Small Causes are regulated by Act IX of 1887. Subject to certain exceptions, their jurisdiction extends to all suits of a civil nature of which the value does not exceed Rs. 500, a limit which may be increased to Rs. r,ooo by a special order of the Local Government. The Local Government is empowered, under Act XII of 1887, to invest Subordinate Judges and Munsifs with Small Cause Court jurisdiction for the trial of cases not exceeding Rs. 500 in value in the case of Subordinate Judges, and Rs. 100 in the case of Munsifs. In civil suits above a certain limit Calcutta is under the original jurisdiction of the High Court. The Small Cause Court of Calcutta has a purely local jurisdiction and is regulated by a special Act. The principal statistics^ relating to civil justice are embodied in the statement below : —

Criminal justice is administered by magistrates (of whom there are three classes), the Courts of Sessions, and the High Court. Subject to the maximum punishment prescribed by law for each offence, a magis- trate of the first class has power to sentence offenders to imprisonment,

'The corresponding number of suits instituted in 190.^ in Bengal as now con- stituted was : — Suits for money and movable property, 161,173 ; title and other suits, 46,914; rent suits, 21 1,783; total, 419,870. either rigorous or simple, up to two years, including solitary confine- ment, or to fine to the extent of Rs. 1,000, or to imprisonment and fine combined, or to whipping as a separate or an additional punishment. A magistrate of the second class can award imprisonment up to six months, fine up to Rs. 200, or both, and also whipping, if specially empowered in this behalf. A magistrate of the third class may im- prison up to one month or fine up to Rs. 50, or he may combine these punishments. Benches consisting of two or more honorary magis- trates, sitting together, have been appointed at almost all the District head-quarters, and at most of the subdivisional stations in Bengal. An honorary magistrate, if specially empowered, can also sit singly for the trial of cases. Honorary magistrates are ordinarily appointed for a term of three years, which is renewable. I'heir powers vary according to circumstances ; but, generally speaking, benches of honorary magis trates are invested with second or third-class powers, and the majority of honorary magistrates sitting singly with the powers of a magistrate of the second class. The Magistrate of the District exercises first-class powers, and hears appeals against convictions by magistrates of the second and third classes. Such appeals may also be heard by any magistrate of the first class duly empowered by the Local Government. Magistrates of the first class and benches of magistrates of the second and third classes may try certain offences summarily when specially empowered to do so, but in such cases the sentence may not exceed three months' imprisonment.

In Calcutta criminal justice is administered by three stipendiary Presidency Magistrates a municipal magistrate appointed to try offences under the Municipal Act, and several benches of honorary magistrates.

The Courts of Sessions are presided over by a single Judge, who tries, with the aid of a jury or assessors, all cases committed to him by the magistracy, and decides, sitting alone, all appeals from convictions by magistrates of the first class, other than those in cases tried summarily, when the magistrate passes a sentence of imprisonment not exceeding three months, or fine not exceeding Rs. 200, or of whipping only, or in petty cases, when the sentence does not exceed one month's imprisonment or Rs. 50 fine. The Sessions Judge is also empowered to call for and examine the record of any proceeding before a sub- ordinate court, for the purpose of satisfying himself as to the correct- ness and legality of any order passed. The powers of a Sessions Judge are limited only by the maximum punishment fixed for each offence in the Penal Code, but sentences of death are subject to confirmation by the High Court.

The High Court, on its original side, tries, by a single Judge with a jury, all cases committed to it by the Presidency Magistrates, and also certain cases in which the accused are European British subjects, which may be committed for trial by magistrates in the interior. On its appellate side the High Court, by a bench of two or more Judges disposes of appeals in respect of convictions on trials before a Court of Sessions. It revises, upon reference from Sessions Judges or magis- trates, the decisions of inferior courts, when in error upon points of law, deals with appeals which the Local Government may prefer against acquittals, and confirms, modifies, or annuls all sentences of death passed by Sessions Courts.

The table ^ below contains some of the more important statistics relating to criminal justice. During the last few years there has been a considerable increase in the number of offences against property, which is said to be due to the high price of food-grains.

The registration of assurances is effected under the same law (Act III of 1877) as in other parts of British India. The cost is met by fees levied from persons presenting documents for registration or desiring copies of registered documents, according to a scale prescribed by Government. The Registration department is presided over by an Inspector-General. The District Magistrates, who are ex-officio Regis- trars, have full powers of inspection and control over all registration ofifices in their Districts, and are responsible for the proper conduct of the work. At the head-quarters of each District there is a salaried officer, known as the special sub-registrar, who deals with the documents

' The following table gives the corresponding figures for 1903 for Btngal as now constituted : —

presented for registration there, and assists the Registrar in the super- vision of the proceedings of all other registration officers in the District. The number of the latter, who are called rural sub-registrars, varies according to local requirements. Formerly the special sub-registrars used to receive, in addition to their salaries, a commission on the documents registered by them, while the rural sub-registrars were remunerated only by fees on a sliding scale and were entitled to no pension or gratuity on retirement. A new scheme for the reorganization of the department has, however, recently been introduced. The system of payment of commission has been abolished, and both the special and rural sub-registrars have been graded on fixed salaries, the services of the latter, like the former, being made pensionable. In Calcutta the Registrar is a separate officer on a fixed salary. The chief statistics connected with registration operations are exhibited below. The number of documents registered in 1901 was more than double the average of the decade 1881-90, and the receipts exceeded those of the same decade by more than 50 per cent.

Finance

The present Provincial system of finance dates from 187 1, when the financial management of the great spending departments of registra- tion, jails, police, education, medical (except medical establishments), printing, and certain branches of public works expenditure was entrusted to the Government of Bengal, a fixed assignment of 1 1 7 lakhs being made to meet the charges. In 1877 the process of decentralization was continued by the transfer to the Local Government of other items oi expenditure, together with the assignment, on progressive terms, of certain heads of revenue which it was thought would benefit by careful local management, including salt, stamps, excise. Provincial rates, and assessed taxes; an equilibrium being established between the income from these sources and the expenditure, as estimated for the first year of the contract, by means of a fixed money contribution. The receipts and expenditure on state railways and canals were also made over to the Local Govern- ment. It was anticipated that the interest charges on account of their cost of construction would exceed the net earnings, and the Local Government was empowered to meet the deficiency by taxation to be raised by a special public works cess imposed under Act II (B.C.) of 1877. This settlement was made for a period of five years.

On its expiry, a new settlement was arranged, on very similar terms, but a proportion of the land revenue was given instead of the fixed money contribution required to produce an equilibrium between revenue and expenditure, and the public works cess, being no longer regarded as hypothecated for the payment of interest on the capital cost of Pro- vincial public works, became merged in the general revenues of the Province. In the three quinquennial settlements which followed, no material advance in the system of decentralization was made ; but the shares of the Provincial and Supreme Governments in the three principal heads of land revenue, stamps, and excise were redistributed^ the Local Government obtaining in 1887 and 1892 one-quarter of the receipts from land revenue and excise, and three-quarters of the stamp revenue. Meanwhile, the management of all but a few minor lines of railway was gradually resumed by the Government of India, the last railway to be transferred from local control being the Eastern Bengal State Railway. This was in 1897 ; and in order to compensate for the loss of this progressive source of revenue, the Provincial share of the receipts from excise was raised from one-quarter to one-half. At the same time, the receipts and expenditure of the Salt department were reserved as wholly Imperial. The settlement of 1897 was, as usual, fixed originally for five years, but was extended by two years and did not expire until March 31, 1904.

The latest settlement marks a great advance in decentralization. The previous five-year settlements began with undue economy and ended with extravagance. The difficulty has been to devise a scheme which should be permanent, but which should not involve unfairness, or risk of unfairness after a lapse of years, to the Supreme Government or to the Local Government. For this problem a simple solution has been found. The present settlement is neither for five years nor is it permanent, but it will last for an indefinite period, and it is subject to revision if over a long period of years it is found to be unfair to one side or the other. Another principle laid down was that when heads of revenue or expenditure were divided, the Local Government should have the same share both of the revenue and of the expenditure under the same head. This has, however, been departed from in the case of land revenue, the expenditure on which has been made wholly Provin- cial, although the Local Government gets only one-quarter of the receipts. The Local Government gets the whole of the receipts under registration, one-half of those under stamps, seven-sixteenths of those under excise, and one-quarter of those under assessed taxes and forests, and bears the same proportion of expenditure in each case.

The result of tliis arrangement has been to reduce the annual net addition to the Provincial revenue by about one-fourth. Previous settlements involved a revision at the end of five years, which meant that the Local Government gave up part of its income to the Supreme (lovernment. As such revisions are no longer to be made, it is obvious that the rate of expenditure must be fixed on a somewhat lower level. On the other hand, the Local Government will not benefit from the absence of revision until the expiry of five years, when the first revision would otherwise take place ; and to make up for this, the Supreme (Government made a grant to the Local Government of a lump sum of 50 lakhs, on the understanding that its expenditure was to be spread over several years. The net result of the changes under the present settlement is that the charges made over to Provincial management exceed the Provincialized receipts by 49 lakhs, and this deficit is made good annually by a fixed assignment under the Land Revenue head.

The general financial results, so far as the Province of Bengal is con- cerned, will be seen from Tables IX and X at the end of this article (pp. 353-4). The most noteworthy features are the expansion of the revenue under the headings excise, Provincial rates, registration, stamps and forests, and of the expenditure under superannuation, law and justice, police, contributions to Local funds, medical, and general administration.

The growth of the excise revenue has been due to various causes, of which the more important are enhancement of the rates of duty levied, increase of population, greater prosperity of the people, which has enabled them to spend more on luxuries, improvement in the efficiency with which the department is administered, and not least the general rise of prices, which has affected excisable equally with other articles, and has swelled the receipts of the venders and the public revenue. The avowed policy of the Government has been to restrict the con- sumption of drugs and spirits by raising the duty charged on them. The steady expansion under Provincial rates, which are assessed on the annual value of land, is due mainly to periodic revaluations, and not to any change in the rate at which the cess is levied, which has for many years stood at the maximum allowed by law. The registration receipts, though they still show an upward tendency, increased most rapidly during the early years of the system of Provincial contracts, when registration offices were freely opened wherever there appeared to be a reasonable demand for them, with the result that many more documents were brought under registration than had been the custom in previous years. In 1887 it was decided that process-serving fees in revenue courts and copying fees should in future be levied in court-fee stamps and not in cash, and this led to a marked improvement in the stamp revenue. Apart from this, the development of this source of revenue is the outcome of growing prosperity and industrial and com- mercial development, and that under forests is due to more efficient management coupled with an increasing demand for forest produce.

There has been a rise on account of salaries in various departments. Exchange compensation allowance has been granted to European officials, and in several departments there has been a reorganization of establishments and a general increase of pay. During the currency of the settlement of 1884-5, ^" additional yearly expenditure of 4| lakhs was incurred under 'judicial courts,' the result of an increase in the number of Subordinate Judges and Munsifs and of judicial establishments generally. About the same time the reorganization of the police department, in accordance with the recommendations of the Police Commission of 1891, led to an additional yearly expenditure of about 6 lakhs. In recent years the expenditure under medical has been swollen by charges incurred in connexion with the suppression of plague ; but large sums have also been spent on works of general utility, such as the building of the BhawanTpur Hospital, the remodelling of the General Hospital, and the extension of the Medical College in Calcutta. The increased contributions to Local funds were made partly to aid them in the arrangements they had to carry out for the prevention of plague or in the repairs of damages caused by the disastrous earthquake of 1897, and partly to assist them to provide feeder-roads for railways and improve communications generally. The ordinary income of the District boards is not capable of much expansion, and those bodies have to rely on subventions from Government to meet their growing needs, while the amount of aid which the latter is able to render varies with its own financial position \

The transfer of a number of Districts to Eastern Bengal and Assam has reduced the Provincial revenues to about 463 lakhs (estimate for 1906-7), to which is added a fixed contribution of 11 lakhs from Imperial funds.

Land revenue

The current land revenue demand^ for the year 1903-4 was more than 4 crores, or one-fifth of the principal heads of receipts in the Province. Four-fifths of the land revenue was per- manently settled at the end 01 the eighteenth century ; and since that date the zam'indars and their tenants have shared between them the entire benefit of the enormous increase in the value of the produce of land which has taken place, including that of waste land since brought under cultivation. The result is that Bengal pays a lower The Provincial finances were seriously crippled in 1897 by an expenditure of 27^ lakhs on famine relief, besides nearly 5 lakhs granted as compensation for the dearness of food to the lower-paid servants of Government, and a heavy expenditure on account of plague ; it was thus necessary to withhold the much-needed aid to local bodies until equilibrium was restored by a special contribution of 17 lakhs from the Government of India.

- The demand in Bengal as now constituted was 284 lakhs, or nearly 3 crores. revenue tlian any other Province, with the single exce[)tion of the Central I'rovinces, and the incidence of the land revenue per acre is only R. 0-13-2 as compared with Rs. 1-7-8 for India as a whole.

According to valuation returns furnished by zamlndars and tenure- holders under the Cess Act, the total rental of the Province amounted in 1903-4 to 17-84 crores. Of this sum, the land revenue absorbs less than one quarter, and the remainder is shared by the zamlndars, tenure- holders, revenue-free proprietors, and rent-free holders. These figures illustrate the huge financial sacrifice involved in the permanent settle- ment, for, after deducting the gross rental of revenue-free estates, rent- free holdings, and temporarily settled estates, the ' assets ' of the permanently settled revenue-paying estates may be estimated at 1472 lakhs ; and if the revenue had been periodically resettled, their assess- ment would probably now be not less than half the gross rental, i. e. 736 lakhs, or considerably more than double the actual figures of 323 lakhs.

The earliest assessment known to have been made in the Province was Todar Mai's great settlement of 1582, according to which the revenue of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa amounted to 185 lakhs of rupees. The principle of Todar Mai's settlement was to ascertain the produce of each field, and to take as the revenue a share of it, estimated by different authorities at one-third or one-fourth. Bengal, however, being an outlying Province of the empire, was not measured, and Bihar was only partially surveyed ; the assessment was therefore made on the basis of the reports of village accountants, and cannot be said to have borne any ascertained relation to the produce of the soil. Such as it was, however, it remained the basis of all subsequent Mughal settlements, and practically of the Decennial Settlement also.

Todar Mai's revenue was enhanced by the successive Mughal governors of Bengal, the increases being due partly to territorial acquisitions, partly to abwdbs or proportionate additions to the original assessment of Todar Mai, and partly to the taxation of newly cul- tivated or improved lands. By 1765, when the British acquired the Dlwani or financial administration of the Province, the nominal revenue had risen to 312 lakhs, though it is doubtful whether so large a sum was ever realized.

In 1 790-1 the Decennial Settlement, which in 1793 was declared permanent, was carried out by British officers, and the total assessment, including that of two Districts in Assam, amounted to 268 lakhs oi sicca rupees, or 286 lakhs of Company's rupees. It was made on the basis of preceding temporary settlements ; and detailed inquiries regarding out-turn and rates of rent were expressly forbidden, as the Directors were anxious to avoid any investigations of an inquisitorial character. It is impossible, therefore, to determine the proportion which the assessment bore either to the produce of the land, or to the rental received by the zamiudars. It was believed at the time, however, that it amounted to 90 per cent, of the gross rental; and Sir John Shore estimated that, of the gross produce of the soil, the British Gov- ernment received 45 per cent., the zamiudars and their under-renters 15 per cent., and the cultivators 40 per cent.

The increase in the revenue of the permanently settled estates, from 286 lakhs in 1 790-1 to 323 lakhs in 1903-4, was due to the resumption and assessment, during the first half of the nineteenth century, of a large number of estates which had been claimed as free of revenue. During the same period, however, the gross rental of these estates has risen from 318 to 1472 lakhs (assuming that the assessment of 1790 was equivalent to 90 per cent, of the gross rental) ; in other words, the Government share of the rental has fallen during this period from 90 to 24 per cent.

The operations of the Permanent Settlement did not include the unsettled part of Chittagong*, the Kolhan estate in Singhbhum and other tracts in Chota Nagpur, the Daman-i-koh in the Santal Parganas, or the Sundarbans. These tracts are temporarily settled, as are also many alluvial islands and estates which have escheated, or been pur- chased from time to time by the Government at revenue sales. Tracts acquired since 1793 are also temporarily settled : namely, the sub- province of Orissa, acquired from the Marathas in 1803 ; the Khurda estate in Purl, confiscated in 1804 ; the District of Darjeeling, acquired partly from Sikkim in 1835 ^"^ ^^850, and partly from Bhutan in 1864; the estates of Banki and Angul, confiscated in 1839 and 1847 '> ^^^ the Western Duars*, taken from Bhutan in 1864. Cachar and the Assam Valley proper were acquired on various dates between 1826 and 1842 ; but in 1874 they and the permanently settled Districts of Sylhet and Goalpara were separated from Bengal and formed into a separate administration. A brief review of the revenue history of the separate tracts is given below.

Orissa was settled in 1845 at a revenue of 13-84 lakhs for a period of thirty years, which, however, was extended in consequence of the famine of 1866. In 1897 it was resettled for 21-05 lakhs, or 54 per cent, of the ' assets,' which amounted to 38-68 lakhs. The incidence of the new revenue is Rs. i-i-io per acre, and the period of settlement thirty years. The Khurda estate was settled ryohvdri in 1875 for 2-68 lakhs. In 1897 the estate was resettled for fifteen years at a revenue of 3-46 lakhs, the increase being effected by an enhancement of 3 annas in the rupee. The incidence of rent per acre is Rs. 1-10-6.

The resettlement of the Palamau estate in 1896 for a term of fifteen years resulted in the increase of the rental from Rs. 58,000 to Rs. 74,000, mainly on the ground of extension of cultivation ; the average rate of rent paid by settled ryots is Rs. 1-2-3 P^^ ^c^Q. By the settlement the Darjeeling farai m 1898 the revenue was raised from Rs. 93,000 to Rs. 1,12,000, the assessment being made at rates varying from 4 annas to Rs. 2 per acre, and the term being fixed for twenty years. The Banki estate in Cuttack District was resettled in 1891, the revenue being increased from Rs. 21,000 to Rs. 29,000, mainly on account of extensions of cultivation. The revenue of Angul, resettled in 1892, was increased from Rs. 46,000 to one lakh for the same reason, but the enhancement was introduced on the progressive system. The Western Duars* were resettled in 1895, when the revenue was increased from 2-34 to 3-75 lakhs.

The temporarily settled estates in Chittagong* were settled in 1848 and in 1881, the aggregate revenue amounting to 3-85 lakhs. This was raised by the settlement of 1897 to 6 lakhs, the enhancement being due chiefly to extension of cultivation. The settlement was made partly with middlemen, who were allowed to retain, on the average, 41 per cent, of the 'assets,' and partly with the ryots direct. The average rate of rent paid by settled ryots is Rs. 5 per acre. The term of this settlement is thirty years.

The settlement of the Jaypur Government estate in Bogra District"^ in 1898 increased the revenue from Rs. 39,000 to Rs. 51,000, while the resettlement of a number of petty Government estates in the Sundar- bans'and elsewhere raised the demand from 4-20 to 541 lakhs.

It has already been stated that the revenue^ of the permanently settled estates has risen from 286 to 323 lakhs. The revenue of the temporarily settled estates, which was nil in 1790, was in 1903-4 36 lakhs, and that of estates held direct by Government 46 lakhs, the total revenue of the three classes of estates taken together being 405 lakhs, compared with 347 lakhs in 1850, 379 lakhs in 1882, and 383 lakhs in 1892. The formation of the Province of Assam in 1874 deprived Bengal of a total land revenue of 30 lakhs, of which 4^ lakhs was due from the permanently settled estates of Sylhet and Goalpara and the remainder from other areas.

The number of permanently settled estates is increasing very rapidly owing to partitions ; this is especially the case in the Patna Division, where the number has almost trebled in thirty-eight years. Revenue- paying estates^ in 1903-4 numbered 190,000, of which 176,000 are per- manently and 10,500 temporarily settled, and the remainder are held

» In the present area of Bengal I he current demand from permanently settled estates in the same year was 2 28 J lakhs, from t< mporarily settled estates 29^ lakhs, and from estates held direct by Government 25I lakhs.

In the same year the nimibcr of revenue-paying estates in the present area of Bengal was 122,000, of which 110,000 were permanently and 10,000 temporarily settled, the remainder being held direct by Government. direct by Government. Only 474 estates are large properties of over 20,000 acres, while 90 per cent, of the total number comprise less than 500 acres apiece.

In addition, 56,000 revenue-free estates and 119,000 rent-free hold- ings are assessed to road and public works cesses, hx the time of the Permanent Settlement large areas were claimed revenue-free, and the authority to scrutinize such revenue-free grants, and, if invalid, to resume them, was specially reserved. They were divided into two classes, according as they had been granted by the Mughal emperor direct, or by the officials of the empire. The former were recognized as valid if the holder could prove that his grant was hereditary and that he was in possession. The latter were accepted as valid if dated prior to 1765 ; all grants of a subsequent date were resumed, but those given between 1765 and 1790 were assessed at privileged rates. All rent-free grants made by zaitilndars after 1790 were invalidated, and zamlnddrs were authorized to nullify their own grants. Resumption proceedings were systematically undertaken by special Commissioners between the years 1830 and 1850, when some thousands of estates were added to the revenue-roll. The revenue-free estates are those which escaped re- sumption during these proceedings, and their number has been swelled by redemption of the land revenue, which is permitted in the case of very petty estates. The rent-free holdings are small areas which were assigned in former times by zafn'uiddrs for religious or charitable purposes.

The land revenue is realized with remarkable punctuality. In 1903-4 no less than 97-8 per cent, of the current demand was realized within the year, the percentages in the three classes of permanently settled, temporarily settled, and directly managed estates being 98-9, 96-7, and 89-3 respectively. The revenue of estates belonging to the first two classes is realized under the Sale Law, which renders an estate liable to summary auction sale if the revenue is not paid in full by a fixed date. The revenue is payable by instalments which have been fixed for each District with reference to the date of the harvests, so that the instal- ments may be paid from the sale proceeds of the surplus produce. Arrears of rent in estates under direct management are recovered under the ' certificate procedure ' : in case of default the Collector cer- tifies the amount due, and his certificate has the force and effect of a decree of court, and is executed accordingly.

In early Mughal times the only zamlnddrs recognized were the terri- torial chiefs, who were left in possession on grounds of policy, on condition that they agreed to pay into the imperial treasury a certain proportion of the revenue collected from their villages ; with this ex- ception, the ordinary revenue system was to collect a share of the pro- duce direct from the cultivators through their headmen. With the decay of the Mughal power, however, the practice of farming the revenues grew up, and the officials, court favourites, and men of local influence who undertook to farm the revenues gradually acquired the name and position of zam'indars.

Originally the zaminddrs paid into the treasury the whole amount collected by them from the cultivators, less a definite allowance for maintenance, for collection charges and the up-keep of accounts, and for expenditure on charity. Gradually, however, the contributions to the treasury tended to become fixed, though always liable to enhance- ment, and meanwhile the zaminddrs exploited new sources of income over and above the rental upon which their revenue was calculated. They acquired private lands, realized rent from the cultivators of waste lands, imposed cesses or additions to the rent rates, and levied dues on fisheries and tolls on markets. By degrees also the zufninddr's office became hereditary, and the practice of obtaining a fresh grant or authority to succeed from the ruling power dropped into desuetude.

During the two centuries which followed Todar Mai's settlement, the farmer class of zaminddrs had acquired a position similar to that of the original landholders of the Province, and they were recognized as proprietors of the soil by Lord Cornwallis, who was ' persuaded that nothing could be so ruinous to the public interest as that the land should be retained as the property of Government.' This bias was shared by the Directors in 1792, and they were 'for establishing real, permanent, valuable rights in our Provinces, and for conferring such rights upon the zaminddrs.^ The proprietary title of the zaminddrs was therefore not questioned at the time of the Permanent Settlement ; and the Regulation which gave it the force of law prescribed that the zaminddrs, with whom the Decennial Settlement had been made, and their heirs and lawful successors, should be allowed to hold their estates at the same assessment for ever. The right of transfer of their estates was also conferred upon them. The present right of the zaminddrs, therefore, is freely heritable and alienable. It is, however, limited by the rights of their tenure-holders and ryots, and also by the Government prerogative to sell the estate in default of full payment of revenue on the due date.

There are two main classes of tenants — tenure-holders and ryots. It is often difficult to distinguish between the two classes in individual cases, but broadly a tenure is an intermediate interest between the zamlnddr and the cultivating ryot. For practical purposes the essential difference between a tenure-holder and a ryot is that the former can sublet to an under-tenure-holder or to a ryot, while the sub-tenant of a ryot must necessarily hold the inferior status of an under-ryot. The distinction is of importance, because a sub-lease to an under- tenure-holder or ryot commands a bonus, which is not ordinarily the

VOL. VII. X case with a sub-lease to an under-ryot ; but, on the other hand, the position of a settled ryot, who holds an occupancy right in all lands held or acquired by him in a village, is much coveted by the tenure- holder, whose rights are more restricted.

Tenures are distinguishable into four classes according to their origin. Many ancient tenures existed before the creation of the zatnindaris to which they are now subordinate. At the time of the Permanent Settle- ment, many of these tenures, known as taluks, were separated from the za/mtidilris, and formed into distinct estates, paying revenue direct to Government. A large number of the smaller tenures, however, remained subordinate to the zannnddrs. A second class of tenures was created by the zammddrs, with a view to protect their property from the ruin which involved so many estates immediately after the Permanent Settle- ment. The paint taluk, which originated in Burdwan and has since spread over other parts of Bengal, is an estate within an estate, the rent being fixed in perpetuity and the tenure being saleable by the Collector at the zamlnddr's instance for arrears, precisely in the same way as the parent estate. In some parts the process of sub-infeudation has proceeded much farther ; the patniddr has given his lands in per- manent lease to dar-patnlddrs, and the dar-patnidars have done the same to s'l-patnlddrs.

The reclaiming tenure is a bait which tempts the petty capitalist to spend his resources on the land. It is found all along the coast, where the low mud flats are being gradually raised by deposits of silt. The great rivers discharge into the Bay of Bengal an immense mass of sand, clay, and vegetable debris, which is again carried inland by the action of the tide. The coast-line is ever encroaching on the Bay, and as the deposits rise above water-level they become clothed with mangrove jungle, and if left to themselves would in time rise to high spring-tide level. But the impatience of the reclaimer forestalls this natural process, and soon after the surface emerges, an earthen embankment is thrown round it to exclude the salt tidal water, and the newly-formed islet is cultivated. The natural growth of the surface is thus arrested, and the deposit of silt is confined to the beds of the tidal channels, which gradually rise until they threaten to overwhelm the new reclamation. Perpetual leases at low rents are needed to persuade the capitalist to undertake the heavy initial and recurring expenditure required for the protection of such reclamations, and similar leases are often granted in the case of waste land when heavy expenditure has to be incurred in feUing dense forests and undergrowth.

There is a fourth class of tenures, which is probably the most numerous of all, and which may be described as the land-jobbing tenure. This class is to be distinguished from the reclamation leases described above, though the nomcn<lature is generally the same. It is found in enormous numbers in Ixxckergunge* DIstrict, where, probably owing to the depredations of Arakanese raiders in the seventeenth and eigh- teenth centuries, reclamation in the coast tract was arrested until the surface had risen above fiood-level, and where comparatively small ex- penditure on embankments is required. The profits of agriculture are very great in this District, as plentiful crops are reaped which find a good market in Calcutta, and the rich soil, which is periodically fertilized by silt deposits from the overflow of the great rivers, requires no manure. The price of rice is also steadily rising, owing to the ra{)id growth of population, the extension of non-food-crops, such as jute, and the infla- tion of the currency caused by the export of jute from East Bengal. The profits of agriculture are therefore steadily increasing, while at the same time the practice of granting perpetual leases has stereotyped rent rates. The cultivator is not, however, allowed to absorb the whole of the increase in agricultural profits, but is compelled to disgorge a portion of it in the shape of abtvdbs, or cesses proportionate to his rental, and each new cess affords subsistence to a land-jobbing tenure-holder. The ryot, moreover, ekes out his income by subletting at rack-rates to under- ryots, and the rents paid by the latter are perpetually rising.

The system may best be illustrated by taking the simplest case of a zam'indar who has given a perpetual lease to a ryot. The ryot grows rich, and the zaminddr is in need of money ; he offers the lease of a tenure of his holding to the ryot at a reduced rent, upon payment of a bonus equivalent to twenty years' purchase of the difference between the two rents. If the ryot refuses, a third person is offered the tenure, and he probably squeezes a cess out of the ryot. The same process is repeated shortly afterwards, either by the zaminddr, who may create a tenure between himself and the new tenure-holder, or by the latter, who creates an under-tenure between himself and the ryot. The creation of each new tenure is the occasion for the payment of a substantial bonus, for which the lessee recoups himself by extracting a cess from the man below him, which is ultimately passed on to the ryot.

Tenures of the classes described above are usually hereditary and held at fixed rates of rent. Temporary farming leases are common in Bihar and on Government estates ; they are granted for a short term, either at a fixed rent or a percentage of the rental of the farm.

The status and privileges of all classes of tenants have been secured by the Bengal Tenancy Act of 1885. When Lord Cornwallis settled the revenue of the za/n'inddrs in perpetuity in 1793, he apparently intended to confer upon the ryots a similar immunity against enhance- ment of their rents, and power was reserved to legislate in future, if necessary, for the protection and welfare of the tenantry. The matter was, however, lost sight of for half a century. The terms at which the Decennial Settlement had been concluded were severe at the time, while the proprietors were unaccustomed to the punctual payments necessary to protect their estates from sale. The consequence was that many proprietors defaulted and their estates were sold, and the attention of (Government was for twenty years concentrated on efforts to realize the revenue with punctuality. The zaymnddrs complained of the difficulty they experienced in collecting rents punctually from their tenants, and in 1799 special powers were given them to seize the person of a default- ing ryot and to distrain on his crops summarily. These powers were grossly abused and led to much oppression, but it was not until 1859 that a remedy was found. Act X of that year conferred on the ryots a right of occupancy in lands cultivated by them for twelve years, and protected occupancy ryots from enhancement of rent except on certain specified grounds ; the landlord's power of distraint was also restricted. This Act failed, however, to give the needed protection to the tenantry ; and after prolonged discussion a new Tenancy Act was passed in 1885, which provided that every ryot who has held any land in a village for twelve years acquires thereby a right of occupancy in all the land he may hold in the village. The result is that a proportion of all the ryots in the Province, varying from four-fifths to nine-tenths, have occupancy rights in their lands. In the case of such ryots, enhancement by contract is limited to an addition once in fifteen years of one-eighth to the previous rent, and a civil court can enhance the rent only on certain specified grounds, and even then only once in fifteen years. Whether such holdings are transferable or not depends on local custom. A small number of ryots hold at fixed rates of rent, and the remainder are with- out a right of occupancy. Even the latter, however, cannot be ejected except in execution of the decree of a competent court, nor can their rents be enhanced at shorter intervals than five years.

Produce rents are to be found all over the Province, and are especially common in South Bihar, where landlords maintain irrigation works or embankments. Sometimes the value of the standing crop is estimated, and the share to be paid as rent is fixed accordingly ; sometimes the grain is divided on the threshing-floor. The landlord generally takes about half the crop, exclusive of the straw.

No attempt has yet been made to check the transfer of land by ryots, except in Chota Nagpur, the Santal Parganas, Angul, and the Kalim- pong Government estate, where transfers to non-agriculturists, or, in some cases, to any outsider, are forbidden, and where the prohibition is strictly enforced at the time of setdement of the rents.

In the Bengal Tenancy Act of 1885 power was taken by Government to order a survey and record-of-rights in any local area ; such operations have since been completed in the four North Bihar Districts of Saran, Champaran, Muzaffarpur, and Darbhanga, and are in progress in portions of Monghyr, Bhagalpur, and Purnea Districts, and in Ranchi and Backergunge*. The object of these operations is to frame an authoritative record of the status and rents of the tenantry, with a view either to protect them against arbitrary eviction and illegal enhance- ment, or to compose or avert agrarian disputes. Similar operations have been conducted on a large scale in estates under the administra- tion of the Court of ^^'ards, with a view to preparing correct rent-rolls, and also in a number of estates upon the application of the proprietors.

The land revenue in Bengal is so small a fraction of the produce that it can have no bearing on the ability of the people to withstand famine. The produce may be valued at not less than Rs. 20 per acre, or 9796 lakhs for the Province as a whole, of which the total cropped area was estimated at 76,454 square miles in 1903-4. The rental of 1670 lakhs, therefore, represents 17 per cent., and the revenue of 400 lakhs only about 4 per cent, of the value of the produce. Remissions and suspensions of the revenue are very rarely granted in permanently settled estates, as the incidence of the revenue is so light that they are unnecessary. In temporarily settled and Government estates, however, remissions are allowed for special reasons, among which are deteriora- tion of land, drought, and damage caused by floods and cyclones.

Miscellaneous revenue

The production of opium in Bengal and the United Provinces is a Government monopoly, and the administration of the operations is in the hands of the Board of Revenue, Bengal, under whom are two Agents, stationed at Patna and GhazI- revenue pur respectively, and a subordinate staff of sub-deputy and assistant opium agents. The poppy is grown in ten Districts in Bengal and in thirty-six Districts of the United Provinces. The total area under cultivation (deducting failures) averaged 823 square miles during the ten years ending 1890, and 820 square miles in the subsequent decade. In 1 900-1 it was 948 square miles, of which 345 square miles were in Bengal and 603 square miles in the United Provinces; and in 1903-4 it was 1,004 square miles, of which 324 square miles were in Bengal and 680 in the United Provinces. The process of manufacture is carried on in factories at the head-quarters of each Agency. The legal position is governed by the provisions of Acts XIII of 1857 and I of 1878.

The cultivation of the poppy is permitted only under annual licences granted for the purpose ; sowing is restricted to the area applied for, and the whole of the produce must be sold to Government at a fixed rate, which for some years has been Rs. 6 per seer (2 lb.) of 70° consistency. Advances free of interest are given to the cultivators, whose accounts are adjusted after the opium has been taken over. Application for a licence is entirely optional.

The opium is manufactured in two forms : ' provision opiiun ' for export principally to China and the Straits Settlements, and 'excise opium' for consumption in India. The difference lies in the consis- tency and size of the cakes and the method of packing. ' Provision opium ' is dispatched to the warehouses of the Board of Revenue in Calcutta, where it is sold at public auction, the number of chests to be offered for sale during the year being fixed by the Government of India, with reference to the quantity manufactured and the stock held in reserve. During the period 1881-90, a yearly average of 54,664 chests (each containing 40 cakes weighing about 140 lb.) was exported from Calcutta, and 43,164 chests during the succeeding decade. In 1900-1 47,950 chests, and in 1903-4 48,218 chests, were shipped, and the normal sale standard is now 48,000 chests per annum. The gross value of the chests sold averaged about 6^ crores between the years 1 88 1 and 1890, and a little over 5 crores between 1891 and 1900. In 1 900-1 it amounted to about 6^ crores, and in 1903-4 to just over 7 crores. ' Excise opium ' is supplied to all Government treasuries for sale to licensed vendors. The price, which is fixed by Government, varies in different parts of the Province. At the present time it ranges from Rs. 28 to Rs. 31 per seer in Bengal proper ; in Orissa it is Rs. 33 ; and in the Patna Division, where the danger of smuggling is greatest, it is only Rs. 1 7 per seer. With the retail sale of the drug to the actual consumers the Opium department has no concern ; this is under the control of the Commissioner of Excise, as described farther on.

The net yearly revenue of the Opium department averaged \\ crores from 1 88 1 to 1890; from 1891 to 1900 it was a little over 3 crores; in 1 90 1 it amounted to about 4 crores, and in 1903 to 3-98 crores. The revenue varies from year to year according to the quantity of opium available for sale and the price realized for it. A standard quantity to be produced yearly is periodically fixed by Government, and the maximum area to be cultivated is calculated accordingly ; but the area actually under poppy depends also on the willingness of the culti- vator to grow it. The crop, though on the average a remunerative one, is very sensitive to climatic conditions, and a series of unfavourable years may create a prejudice against it. The amount realized by the sale of ' provision opium ' depends partly on the quantity offered for sale, and partly on the nature of the season in China and the area under cultivation there. Differences in the rate of exchange between the two countries may have a disturbing influence upon the market, and the interest charged by the Calcutta banks also affects it.

The administration of excise, including the retail sale of opium, is vested in the Excise Commissioner, subject to the general control of the Board of Revenue. In the Districts the Collector is in charge, assisted by a Deputy-Collector (who is, in the more important Districts, a special officer) with a clerical, ])reventive, and, where Government distilleries have been established, a distillery staff. The revenue is derived from imported liquors ; country spirits, including country rum ; fermented liquors made in India, including beer, tari (fermented date juice), ?a\d. padnvai (rice beer) ; hemp drugs, including ganja, siddhi ox bhang, charas, and indjum ; opium ; and cocaine. The revenue is derived from {a) the duty levied on excisable articles passing into consumption, other than imported liquors the duty on which is credited to the Customs revenue, {b) the fees paid for a licence to manufacture and sell excisable articles, and {c) the fees paid on spirits manufactured in distilleries.

The following figures show the excise revenue ' for the decades i88i-go and 1891-1900 (averages), and for the years 1900-1 and 1903-4, in thousands of rupees : —

The causes leading to this rapid expansion have been indicated in the section on Finance. The incidence of excise revenue per head of the population was 2^ annas in 1881-2, 2\ annas in 1891-2, 3^ annas in 190 1-2, and 3^ annas in 1903-4.

Country spirits and tdri are preferred in the dry Districts, such as those of Bihar and Chota Nagpur, with [jronounced hot and cold seasons, and containing a large non-Muhanunadan population. The aboriginal tribes brew paclnvai at home, but consume the stronger spirit when it is within their means. The consumption of gdnja is very general ; it is greatest in wet and malarious Districts, such as those of Bengal proper and part of the Bhagalpur Division. Opium is also in general use, but chiefly in the Districts lying on the seaboard and where the Muhammadan population is large.

The consumption of excisable articles is closely watched, and The excise revenue in Bengal as now constituted was Rs. 1,4.', 13,000 in 1904-5. facilities for obtaining them are allowed only in order to meet an ascertained demand, or for the prevention of illicit practices. The number of licences issued is carefully considered, and the sites for licensed shops are selected with due regard to local feeling. The fees for a licence are ordinarily settled by auction, subject to a minimum which is fixed with reference to the estimated sales at each shop and the average fees previously paid for the licence. Educated opinion is opposed to the use of stimulants, and the general feeling of the people condemns over-indulgence. The consumption has, however, increased rapidly among the educated classes, who, next to Europeans, are the chief purchasers of imported liquors, and especially of the cheap brands manufactured from German spirit and sold, under English names, in bottles with attractive labels. These brands compete with the country- made spirit in cheapness, and are believed to be stronger.

The revenue on salt is levied mainly in the shape of an import duty — formerly Rs. 2^, reduced in 1903 to Rs. 2, in 1905 to Rs. 1-8, and in 1907 to R. I per maund of 82 lb. — which is realized by the Customs authorities. There are also certain miscellaneous receipts, of which the most important are the rents paid for the storage of salt in Government warehouses and the fees realized upon the passes granted for its removal. The Bengal coast is unsuitable for the local manufacture of salt, by reason of the dampness of the climate and the large amount of fresh water discharged into the Bay of Bengal by the Ganges and the Brahmaputra, and the manufacture of salt in the Province has been discontinued since 1898 and is now forbidden. The quantity annually manufactured by Government and private individuals during the ten years 1881-90 averaged about 280,000 maunds, and during the succeeding seven years about 120,000 maunds. The quantity imported yearly from within India and from other countries during the periods 1881-90 and i89i-r9roOk^veraged 9^ and 10 million maunds respec- tively. In 1 900-1 it was about 9 million maunds, and in 1901-2 about \2i\ million maunds. The average consumption of salt per head of the population during each of the four years 1 880-1, 1 890-1, 1 900-1, and 1903-4 was 5j;%, 5^, 5I, and 5^ seers respectively. The gross revenue from this source, exclusive of miscellaneous receipts, averaged 2-18 crores between the years 1881 and 1890, and 2-59 crores between 1 89 1 and 1900, while in 1 900-1 it amounted to 2-66 crores, and in T 903-4 to 2-27 crores.

The course of the salt trade has been greatly influenced by the substitution of steamships for sailing vessels and by the improvement in the means of communication in India. The former circumstance has given a great impetus to the practice of bonding salt, as steamers are unable to waste time in port. The opening of the East Coast ^ Railway encouraged the importation of Madras salt into Orissa, and it is now acquiring a firm hold of the markets there. At the present time the United Kingdom suppHes about half the salt imported by sea, Aden and the Red Sea ports about 31 per cent., Germany approximately 10 per cent., while the remainder comes from the Persian Gulf, Port Said, and Madagascar. The quantity supplied from the United Kingdom is declining, owing to competition from other sources, and especially from the Red Sea ports. Preventive establishments are employed to cope with the illicit manufacture of salt along the coast and in other saliferous areas, and the possession and transport of salt are regulated by a system of passes.

The stamp revenue is collected under the Indian Stamp Act (II of 1899) and the Court Fees Act (VII of 1870). Stamps are broadly divided into ' non-judicial,' or revenue stamps, and ' court-fee,' or judicial stamps. Of non-judicial stamps there are two main classes, adhesive and impressed. Adhesive stamps include share transfer stamps, foreign bill stamps, and stamps for use by notaries, advocates, vakils, and attorneys. Impressed stamps comprise impressed stamp paper and impressed labels, and forms of different descriptions, such as skeleton cheques, &c. For the distribution of stamps a central depot is main- tained at Calcutta, while every treasury is a local, and every sub-treasury a branch depot. There are, in addition, numerous licensed vendors, who are allowed a discount on the stamps purchased by them. The net revenue derived from the sale of judicial stamps ^ during the decades 1881-90 and 1891-1900 averaged 93 and 117 lakhs respectively; in 1900-1 it was 131 lakhs, and in 1903-4 it was 143 lakhs. The revenue from non-judicial stamps^ during the same four periods amounted to 34, 44, 49, and 50 lakhs respectively.

The growth of litigation mainly accounts for the progressive increase in the sale of judicial stamps, but probate duty also shows a tendency to yield larger receipts. The revenue derived from non-judicial stamps develops along with the normal progress of the country, but in ])articular years the state of the harvests causes fluctuations.

Income-tax is levied on non-agricultural incomes under the provisions of Act II of 1886 as recently amended (see Vol. IV, chap. viii). The minimum income assessable under the original Act was Rs. 500, but this has now been raised to Rs. 1,000 per annum, upon which, and up to Rs. 2,000 a year, the tax is levied at the rate of 4 pies in the rupee. On larger incomes the rate is 5 pies in the rupee.

The assessment and collection of the tax outside Calcutta are subject to the control of the Collector, under the supervision of the Commissioner and the Board of Revenue ; but the actual adminis- tration of the Act is in the hands of a Deputy-Collector, who is usually

' In 1904-5 the net receipts from the sale of judicial stamps in Bengal as now constituted was 94'38 lakhs, and from the sale of non-judicial stamps 34-49 lakhs. in charge of excise duties also. For Calcutta, which, with the town of Howrah, constitutes a separate District for income-tax purposes, there is a special Collector of Income-tax. Since the enhancement of the minimum taxable income, assessors are appointed to Divisions, and the work of assessment in the different Districts in each Division is dis- tributed among them by the Commissioner in consultation with the District officers. The rates of pay of the assessors are Rs. loo, Rs. 90, and Rs. 80 a month. In Calcutta seven assessors are employed, who belong to two grades with pay of Rs. 250 and Rs. 200 respectively.

The net revenue derived from the tax on incomes during the five years 1886-90 averaged 37-5 lakhs. During the next ten years it averaged 45-7 lakhs, and in 1901 it amounted to 54-4 lakhs ; in 1902-3 it was 56-5 lakhs, but in 1903-4 (after the increase of the minimum assessable income) it fell to 47-7 lakhs'. The incidence of the tax per head of the population during the same five periods averaged o-o6, o-o6, 0-07, o-o8, and o-o6 of a rupee, while the average number of assessees was 109,000, 119,000, 134,000, 135,000, and 56,000, or i-6, 1-7, i-8, 1-8, and o-8 per 1,000 of the population respectively.

The work of the Calcutta Custom House is directed by a Collector of Customs, who is subject to the control of the Board of Revenue as the chief Customs authority, and is assisted by five Assistant Collectors. The examination of goods and their valuation for customs purposes are entrusted to a staff of eighteen appraisers, while the guarding of vessels and patrolling of the port in order to prevent smuggling, the control over the discharge of cargo, and the loading or unloading of salt at the golds (warehouses) rest with a special establishment of about 205 officers under the orders of the Superintendent of the Preventive Service and Salt department.

Information as to the tariff is given in Vol. IV, chap, viii, and it will suffice to state here that the ordinary import duty is 5 per cent., either ad valorem or on a tariff valuation. The most important exceptions are cotton piece-goods, assessed at 3^ per cent. ; iron and steel, at i per cent. ; petroleum below a certain flashing point, at i anna per imperial gallon ; and machinery, railway material, and raw cotton, which are free. The duty on salt has varied ; it was reduced from Rs. 2-14 to Rs. 2 per maund in 1882, but was again raised to Rs. 2-8 per maund in 1888, at which figure it continued till March, 1903, when it was again reduced to Rs. 2 per maund. It has recently (1907) been still further reduced to R. I per maund. A duty was first imposed on kerosene oil in 1888; and in 1899 countervailing duties were placed upon bounty-fed sugar.

The total customs revenue in Bengal averaged 247 lakhs during the period 1881-90, and 352 lakhs during the following decade. In The revenue from the income-tax in Bengal as now constituted was 41 -"^^ lakhs in iyo4-5. 1900-1 it amounted to 427 lakhs \ and in 1903-4 to 384 lakhs. Excluding the receipts from salt and rice, the import duties in 1903-4 yielded 150 lakhs, to which cotton-goods contributed 51 lakhs, mineral oils 18 lakhs, metals 16 lakhs, and sugar (inclusive of countervailing duties) 9 lakhs. The only export duty is that on rice, which realized 18 lakhs in 1880-1, nearly 22 lakhs in 1900-1, and 19 lakhs in 1903-4.

Local and municipal

In discussing the rise and present position of local institutions it is necessary to distinguish between town and country. In towns the need for proper roads, water-supply, and sanitary arrange- ments is far greater than in rural tracts, while, as municioal their area is limited, it is comparatively easy for the representatives of the people to deal with these matters. The inhabi- tants of towns are also more advanced and better able to express their requirements than those of the scattered villages in the interior. It follows that the first steps in the direction of delegating to the natives of the country a share in the administration of public affairs were taken in towns, and in this, as in other matters, Calcutta naturally led the way.

Outside towns the rise of local self-government in Bengal dates from 1870, when District committees were created for the administration of the funds set apart for the construction, repair, and maintenance of roads, bridges, &c., which were derived mainly from the road cess. They consisted of the District Magistrate and other officers of the District staff, and of a certain number of payers of road cess appointed on the nomination of the local authorities. District school committees, consisting partly of officials and partly of private persons nominated as above, were at the same time formed for the control of education, and were made responsible for the supervision of all Government schools and the allotment of the sums set aside for grants-in-aid of private schools. Owing partly to the constitution of the committees, and partly to the fact that the powers delegated to them were very circumscribed, these measures were not attended with much success, and local self- government in the Districts was for some years little more than a name. At the instance of Lord Mayo, a fresh scheme was drawn up by Sir Ashley Eden, the Lieutenant-Governor, with the threefold object of relieving the Provincial authorities of some portion of the ever- growing details of the work of administration, of reconciling the public to the burden of local taxation, and of conferring on the people or their representatives greater powers of control over expenditure on objects of local importance. This scheme was the foundation of the Local Self- Government Act, III (B.C.) of 1885, which is still in force.

' These figures exclude collections in inland treasuries on bonded salt. The receipts on their account averaged 8 lakhs a year between 1S95 and 1900, and in 1900-1 and in i90,:;-4 amounted to 26 lakhs.

This Act provides for the constitution of three classes of local authorities — the District board with jurisdiction over the whole District, a local board for each subdivision, and Union committees for smaller areas where circumstances may indicate the desirability of appointing them. The District board is the principal local authority, and the local boards and Union committees work in subordination to it, exercising such powers and administering such funds as the District board may direct. District boards have been constituted throughout Bengal, save only in Darjeeling and a few remote tracts ; local boards have also been formed in most Districts. On March 31, 1904, there were 42 District boards and 104 local boards in Bengali The system of village Unions has not yet been fully developed, and only 58 have been created, chiefly in the Burdwan and Presidency Divisions. Half the members of Dis- trict boards are appointed by Government and half are elected by local boards ) where there are no local boards, the District board consists entirely of members appointed by Government. On March 31, 1904, the 42 District boards contained in all 846 members'^. Of these 221 were members ex officio^ 292 were appointed by Government, and 333 were elected by the local boards. The Collector of the District has in all cases been appointed chairman. The area dealt with by each board is so large, and the interests of different parts of it are so divergent, that no non-official member would be able to perform effectively the executive duties of the post or to weigh impartially the conflicting claims of different localities. The members of local boards are appointed partly by nomination and partly by election, one or more members being elected for each thdtia. All residents who possess a small property qualification are entitled to vote, but the number who actually do vote is usually very small. Similar rules have been framed for the constitution of Union committees.

The District boards have full control over all roads and bridges, save on a few main lines of communication of more than local importance. They arc also entrusted wiTh the maintenance and supervision of all primary and middle schools, the management of pounds and most of the public ferries, the control over and upkeep of dispensaries, the provision of a proper water-supply, village sanitation, l^c. When scarcity occurs, it becomes their duty to subordinate all other objects to the special consideration of saving life, and they are expected to devote their whole available resources to affording relief. If the scarcity is not serious or widespread, the District board is left to cope with it, with

1 The number of District boards in I'.cngal after the recent territorial changes was 29 and of local boards 76.

The number of members of District boards in Bengal as now constituted was 5S0 in 1904, of whom 148 were members ex officio, 188 were appointed by Government, and 244 were elected. such financial assistance as may .seem to be needed ; but when famine supervenes, the management of reHef operations is taken over by Government. The immediate administration of the roads and build- ings under the control of the District board is vested in the District Engineer, who is apjjointed and paid by the board, while that of the schools subordinate to it lies with the Deputy-Inspector of schools, an officer of the Educational department, who, in respect of these schools, works in subordination to the board.

The chief functions hitherto delegated to local boards are the care and maintenance of village roads, the management of pounds, and the charge of ferries. In a large number of cases they have also been entrusted with powers of varying extent with regard to primary educa- tion, and in a few cases with the control of dispensaries and the main- tenance of District roads. As at present constituted, local boards have not been a very great success, and several of those at the head-quarters of Districts have recently been abolished.

The Union committees exercise control over pounds, village roads, sanitation, and water-supply. In regard to primary schools, their au- thority is restricted to inspection. Their income consists of the receipts from pounds situated within the Union, a lump sum granted by the District board for village roads, sanitation, and water-supply, and funds raised under section 118 of the Act. In some Districts these com- mittees are reported to have done useful work within the narrow limits of their powers and resources.

Nearly 53 per cent, of the income of District boards is derived from the road cess levied on land, under the provisions of Act IX (B.C.) of 1880. A considerable sum is also derived from pounds and ferries and special grants made by Government. The main heads of expenditure are public works (59 per cent, of the total), education (22 per cent.), medical (5 per cent.), and general administration (4 per cent.). Sta- tistics of income and expenditure are given in Table XI at the end of this article (p. 355). The duties of the boards tend to outgrow their in- come, and it is becoming increasingly difficult for them to spare money for the construction of feeder-roads to railways and other new works. Government has therefore recently helped to restore the equilibrium by assigning to the Commissioner of each Division a considerable sum to be allotted by him to the boards which stand most in need of assistance. The total of the special grants thus made amounted to 15 lakhs on April I, 1904 ; and in 1905 a further grant of 12^ lakhs was made from Imperial funds to the District boards.

The history of municipal government in Calcutta is dealt with in the article on that city. The first enactment having for its object the creation of local bodies elsewhere was Act XXVI of 1850, which autho- rized the Lieutenant-Governor, on the application of the inhal^tants of any place of public resort or residence, to extend the Act to it and to appoint commissioners who, by the levy of a rate on houses or of town duties or otherwise, were to make better provision for purposes of public health or convenience. The Darjeeling municipality was constituted in 1850 under the provisions of this Act; but otherwise very little ad- vantage was taken of it or of a subsequent Act (XX of 1856), the main object of which was to make better provision for the appointment of police chaukidars in towns, but which also provided that any surplus funds raised in a town, primarily for the above purpose, might be ap- plied to cleansing or lighting or otherwise improving it. These two Acts were superseded in the larger towns by Act VI of 1868, which repeated their provisions in a modified form. The first real attempt at inaugu- rating municipal government was made in 1864, when the District Municipal Improvement Act was passed. This Act authorized the Lieutenant-Governor to appoint municipal commissioners for any town to which it was extended, with power to levy certain rates and taxes to meet the cost of conservancy, general improvement, and police.

The enactments were consolidated and amended by Act V (B.C.) of 1876, in which year there were in existence 24 municipalities under Act III of 1864 and 2 under Act XXVI of 1850, 70 'unions' under Act XX of 1856, and 95 ' towns ' under Act VI of 1868. The new Act recognized four classes of municipal institutions : namely, first and second-class municipalities, ' unions,' and stations. The elective prin- ciple was allowed in the case of municipalities, provided that one-third of the ratepayers desired it ; but this condition was fulfilled in respect of only three municipalities. The Magistrate of the District or of the subdivision, as the case might be, was as a rule ex-officio chairman of all municipalities situated within his jurisdiction ; power was given to the Lieutenant-Governor to appoint other persons, but it was exercised only in a single case.

This Act was, in its turn, superseded by Act III (B.C.) of 1884, which is still in operation, and which provides for the election of a majority of the commissioners and gives to them a far greater degree of independence. By this Act the distinction between first and second- class municipalities was abolished, and the other corporate bodies known as ' unions ' and ' stations ' were extinguished. Under its provisions the ratepayers of 125 municipalities, out of a total of 161, have obtained the privilege of electing two-thirds of their commissioners, and in 109 cases the latter have been empowered to choose their own chairman. In the remaining towns, which are either very backward or are divided by con- tending interests or strong party feeling, Government has reserved to itself the power of appointing the commissioners or the chairman, but in only twenty-seven municipalities does it appoint both. Except in Howrah, the municipalities have been relieved of the charges on account of the local police, over which they exercised practically no control, on the understanding that the funds thus set free must be spent on works of general utility and may on no account be devoted to the reduction of taxation. The charges previously borne by Govern- ment on account of dispensaries and hospitals within municipal limits have at the same time been transferred to these bodies. The muni- cipal law has now been extended to all places of an urban character, where alone it can be satisfactorily worked.

Act III of 1884 has been amended by Acts IV (B.C.) of 1894 and II (B.C.) of 1896. By these enactments the elective principle has been further developed, and the powers and responsibilities of the municipal commissioners have been enhanced. The scope of municipal expendi- ture has been extended, and now includes the establishment and maintenance of veterinary institutions and the training of the requisite statT, the improvement of breeds of cattle, the training and employment of female medical practitioners, the promotion of physical culture, and the establishment and maintenance of free libraries. The commissioners may order a survey and organize a fire brigade ; they may control the water-supply when its purity is suspected, even to the extent of inter- ference with private rights ; larger powers of precaution are conferred in the case of ruined and dangerous houses and other erections, as well as increased powers for the general regulation of new buildings.

Out of the total number of municipalities* in existence on March 31, 1904 (excluding Calcutta), only two, Howrah and Patna, contained over 100,000 inhabitants; 98 contained from 10,000 to 100,000, and in 61 there were less than 10,000 inhabitants. The total population within municipal limits was 2,871,249, and the incidence of taxation per head of the population was Rs. 1-3-11. The total number of municipal commissioners was 2,236, of whom 1,160 were elected and 1,076 appointed; 336 were official members, and 1,900 non-official; 261 were Europeans and 1,975 natives. The land holding classes and members of the legal profession provide about 50 per cent, of the com- missioners, and of the remainder the majority are Government servants or traders. Statistics of municipal finance are given in Table XII at the end of this article (p. 356).

Public works

There are two branches of the Public Works department, one of which is in charge of roads and buildings and mis- ^ ,,. cellaneous public nnprovements, and the other controls irrigation, marine matters, and railways. Each branch is under In the present area of Bengal, there were 127 municipalities in 1904, of which 75 contained from 10,000 to 100,000 inhabitants, while 50 had less than 10,000 inhabi- tants. The total population within municipal limits was 2,354,180, and the incidence of taxation was Rs. 1-4 per head. The total number of municipal commissioners was 1,753, of whom 913 were elected and 745 were nominated; 249 were official and 1,504 non-official members; 231 were Europeans and 1,522 were natives. a Chief Engineer, who is also secretary to Government. The Roads and Buildings branch administers five circles \ three of which are controlled by Superintending Engineers and two by Executive En- gineers, who are designated Inspectors of Works, and whose duties are to inspect the work done under the Engineers employed by the District boards and to exercise professional control over their proceed- ings. The Imperial and Provincial buildings and roads in these circles are in charge of the District Engineers, where the District boards con- cerned have accepted the responsibility for their up-keep, and of the Inspectors of \Vorks in certain Districts in which those bodies have not accepted such a responsibility. The Superintending Engineers have control of Public Works divisions held by Executive Engineers, and they also act as Inspectors of Works in their circles. The Roads and Buildings branch also includes a temporary charge, comprising the buildings connected with the Imperial Agricultural Institute at Pusa, which is under the control of a superintendent of works.

The Irrigation branch comprises four circles, each of which is under a Superintending Engineer. In Irrigation circles the Executive Engineers also carry out the works of the Roads and Buildings branch within the limits of their divisions, and the Superintending Engineers act as Inspectors of Works. Three revenue divisions formed for the assessment and collection of canal water rates are held by Deputy- Collectors under the control of the Superintending Engineer of this branch. The main lines of railway and their branches are administered directly by the Government of India, the Government of Bengal con- trolling only a few minor railways undertaken by private enterprise.

Rapid progress has been made in all departments since the intro- duction of Provincial finance in 187 1. The Northern section of the Eastern Bengal State Railway was opened in 1878. The Orissa, Midnapore, and HijilT Canals were completed in 1873, and, with the exception of the Calcutta and Eastern Canals, the entire Provincial canal system has been constructed since that date. The canalization of the Bhangar channel in 1 899 and the opening of the Madhumati Bll route in 1902 have greatly facilitated navigation by the Calcutta and Eastern Canals. As regards roads, the operations of the department are limited to the maintenance of a few trunk lines, and the initiative in the construction of new roads has been transferred to the District boards. Special efforts have, however, been directed to the improve- ment of communications in the Western Duars*, and to the construction of feeder-roads to the railways.

Great improvements have been effected in the public buildings both

' The number of circles in Bengal, as at present constituted, is four, of which three are controlled by Superintending Engineers and one by an Executive Engineer, who is designated Inspector of works.

in Calcutta and in the Districts. The antiquated structures in which the courts and pubHc offices were formerly accommodated have been replaced by more spacious edifices built with some pretensions to architectural effect. Munsifs' courts, in particular, are being gradually transformed from primitive mat-and-thatch structures into permanent buildings of brick and mortar, and educational institutions are being provided with more suitable accommodation than was formerly thought sufficient for them, while the jails are being altered to meet modern sanitary requirements and to prevent overcrowding.

Among more or less recent buildings in Calcutta may be mentioned the Imperial Secretariat, Writers' Buildings, the General Post Office, the Telegraph Office, the Surveyor-General's Offices, the Government of India Central Press, the High Court, the Office of the Geological Survey department, and the Economic and Art Museum. Of educational buildings, the most important are the Senate House, Presidency College, Hare School, School of Art, and the additions to the Medical College. The Eden, Ezra, Sambhu Nath Pandit, and Victoria Zanana Hospitals and the Leper Asylum are new, and the Presidency General Hospital has been reconstructed.

Much attention has been devoted to the preservation of antiquities at Pandua* and Gaur* ; and the Konarak temple and the Bhu- BANESWAR temples in Purl have been protected from decay.

Drainage schemes have been undertaken in Hooghly District at a cost of 26 lakhs, whereby an area of 370 square miles has been drained and cultivation rendered possible.

Extensive waterworks have been constructed at Dacca*, Bhagalpur, IMymensingh*, Howrah, Burdwan, Arrah, Mljrshidabad, and Darjeeling ; a complete drainage scheme has been carried out at Patna, and electric lighting has been introduced at Dacca* and Darjeeling.

Army

The strength of the army stationed within the Province in June, 1903, was 7,866, British troops numbering 3,221 and Native troops 4,645. Bengal is garrisoned by the Lucknow division of the Eastern Command. The troops are distributed at eleven military stations. At Fort William in Calcutta there are British and Native infantry, British artillery, and a submarine mining company ; and there are Native infantry and cavalry at Alipore. British and Native infantry and British artillery are cantoned at Barrackpore, and British and Native infantry and British artillery at Dinapore. Darjeeling with Lebong has British infantry and artillery, and a British regiment is stationed at Dum-Dum. The remaining cantonments of Ranchi, Buxa, Cuttack, and Gangtok are manned by Native infantry. No recruitment takes place among Bengalis. There is an arsenal at Fort William, a foundry and shell factory at

VOL. VII. Y Cossipore, an ammunition factory at Dum-Dum, and a rifle factory at Ichapur.

Volunteer corps have their head-quarters at Calcutta, Muzaffarpur, Darjeeling, RanchI, Jamalpur, Bankipore, Dacca*, and Chittagong* ; and the head-quarters of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway Volunteer Rifles are at Kharakpur. The following table gives the total strength of all the corps in 1881, 1891, 1901, and 1903: —

Police and jails

The Calcutta police force, of which an account will be found in the article on Calcutta, has a history of its own, and has always been independent of the police system in other parts of the Police and Province. In the early days of British rule the Bengal zamlnddrs were required to keep up establishments of police for the maintenance of peace, but by Regulation XXII of 1793 this system was abolished ; the police were placed under the exclusive control of Government officers, and the zamlnddrs were forbidden to maintain any such force ^ Every District was divided into police circles, with an area of about 400 square miles, and a ddroga, with a staff of subordinate officers, was appointed to each. To meet the cost of these measures, a police tax was imposed on traders and others who were specially interested in the maintenance of the force and who made no other direct contribution to the State ; but this tax was abolished in 1797, when court-fees and stamp duties were introduced. The functions of the new force were at first confined to the arresting of accused persons ; but in 1797 the police darogas were directed to inquire regarding unnatural deaths, and in 1807 the Magistrate was authorized to order a police inquiry when he saw reason to distrust the truth of a complaint. From this small beginning was soon evolved the regular system of police inquiries now in vogue, which was placed on a legal footing by Regulation XX of 181 7.

In 1808 Superintendents of police were appointed to certain In 1807 the experiment was tried of associating landholders and others with the police, and of authorizing them in certain cases to receive charges and arrest accused j)ersons and send them to the darogas ; but it proved a failure and was abandoned in iSio. divisions, where they exercised concurrent jurisdiction with the Magis- trates of Districts and cities. These posts were aboHshed in 1829, but they were again revived in 1837. The civil poHce force in that year consisted of 444 ddrogas, 1,353 subordinate officers, called miiharrirs a.n6. Jetnaddrs, and 6,699 barkanddz or constables.

The whole force was reorganized and placed on its present footing by Act V of 1 86 1. An Inspector-General of police was appointed, with complete powers of control in all departmental matters, and under him were 6 Deputy-Inspectors-General, 52 District Superintendents, III Assistant Superintendents, 570 inspectors, 936 sub-inspectors, 2,234 head constables, and 25,000 constables : these figures include the police in Assam, who were not separated from the Bengal police till 187 1. The annual cost of the police force in Bengal rose from 36-6 lakhs in 1881 1040-8 lakhs in 1891, to 51-7 lakhs in 1901, and to 54-9 lakhs in 1903. The composition of the force in those years is shown below : —

The Deputy-Inspectors-General are, in the main, inspecting officers, but they also arrange the posting of officers below the rank of Assistant Superintendent. The District Superintendents are in charge of the police of their Districts, but in all save purely departmental matters they are subordinate to the District Magistrates. Inspectors are employed chiefly on inspection, and the greater part of the investigations is conducted by sub-inspectors ; much of this work was formerly done by head constables, but of late years it has, as far as possible, been taken out of their hands.

The higher grades of the police are filled on the results of a com- petitive examination in England and a competitive examination in India, restricted to nominated candidates, a certain number of appoint- ments being also given by nomination to natives of the country. The competitive examination held in India is now, however, to be abolished. Inspectors are almost invariably promoted sub-inspectors, but in future a certain number are to be appointed direct. Sub-inspectors are appointed either by open competition or by nomination. As a result of the Police Commission of 1903, it has been decided that there is to be no competitive examination for the recruitment of sub-inspectors, but that they shall be, as far as possible, recruited direct, and that a maximum proportion of appointments shall be fixed for promotion from the rank of head constable. In every case they have to go through a year's training in the Bhagalpur Training School, where they are taught law, the Police Manual so far as it concerns them, the reading and recording of finger-impressions, riding, and drill. Head constables are, as a rule, promoted constables. Constables are recruited at the head-quarters of each District. The percentage of foreigners (i. e. men of another District) which it is permissible to enlist varies in different Districts from 30 to 80. Constables receive some training at the head-quarters before being sent out to investigating centres, and when stationed at head-quarters they also get some instruction in drill. In future they will be trained at central schools which are now being established for the purpose.

Service in the police has, till very lately, been unpopular with educated natives. The appointment of the Police Commission and the hopes of an improved service have, however, of late led many well-connected natives to apply for direct appointment to sub-in- spectorships.

The rural police force of chaiikiddrs or village watchmen is a very ancient institution, and, except in East and North Bengal, it is for the most part descended from the old Hindu village system, under which they were remunerated by small assignments of land. The village watchmen were placed under the ddrogas by the Regulation of 1793 already referred to. Between 181 3 and 181 6 provision was made for the maintenance of chaiikiddrs at all Magistrates' head-quarters, who were paid monthly stipends by the residents of the towns in question ; and a somewhat similar arrangement was soon afterwards introduced generally in all Districts where the indigenous system mentioned above did not exist. The powers and duties of the chaiikiddrs were laid down in detail in Regulation XX of 181 7. In 1838 their number was estimated to be 190,000. In 1870 a new law was enacted (VI (B.C.) of 1870) detailing their duties and providing for the levy of their pay through the agency of local committees, called panchdya/s, who were empowered not only to fix their pay at any rate between Rs. 3 and Rs. 6 a month, but also to appoint and, if necessary, dismiss them. The latter powers are now exercised by the District Magistrate ; the necessary funds are still usually collected by the panchayat, but the Magistrate may, in certain cases, appoint a tahsilddr for the purpose. The chaukidars are required to attend the police station at regular intervals, usually once a week, in order to report the births and deaths occurring in their beats, and to give information regarding the movements of bad characters and other matters. They are also required to give immediate notice of the occurrence of all heinous offences, and are empowered to arrest and take to the police station persons caught red-handed. In order to provide a link between the regular police and the village chaukidars, daffadars have been appointed over groups of from ten to isveniy chaukidars. The rural police are not legally subordinate to the regular police, to whom they merely report. They are under the control of the District Magistrate, who can, however, delegate his powers to the District Superintendent of police. In some Districts he delegates all his powers, keeping in his own hands only the general power of control ; in some Districts he delegates his powers in the head-quarters subdivision only ; in others, again, he delegates powers to punish and reward within fixed limits. There are now 153,000 chaukidars, and the value of their annual emoluments is estimated at about 79 lakhs ^ Most of them are now under Act VI (B.C.) of 1870, but about 5,000 still hold service-lands in lieu of salary ; about 4,500 are under Regulation XX of 1817, and upwards of 9,000, in Chota Nagpur, are under a special Act (V (B.C.) of 1887) passed for that part of the Province.

The only criminal tribe having its head-quarters in Bengal that need be noticed is the Magahiya Doms. These are most numerous in Saran and Champaran Districts, where an attempt has been made to reclaim them by inducing them to settle down as agriculturists. Settle- ments have been formed on land given for the purpose by zajnviddrs, and allowances for the purchase of seeds, &c., have been made to them by Government. Enough has been done to make it possible for them to live honestly if they choose to do so, but there has so far been no very marked improvement in their habits ; their location in settlements, however, gives the local authorities some hold over them.

Reformatory schools are maintained at Alipore and Hazaribagh ; these contained 383 boys at the end of March, 1904, the total cost to Government during the year being Rs. 58,000. Boys of the agricultural classes are sent to the Hazaribagh school, where cultivation and gardening are specially taught, while boys belonging to the industrial castes are sent to the Alipore school, where they are instructed in various industries. The kindergarten system of teaching has been

' The number of chatikldars in Bengal as now constituted is 106,500, and the value of their annual emoluments is estimated at nearly 49 lakhs. introduced at Alipore ; drill and gymnastics are included in the training at both schools, and games are played. A number of boys are provided with work outside the schools under a system of licences, and the Educational department endeavours to follow up the history of each boy for three years after his release.

On an average, 134,000 cases were reported yearly by the police between 1896 and 1901, of which 67,000 were dealt with by the criminal courts, 56,700 or 84-6 per cent, ending in conviction and the remainder in discharge or acquittal. During the same period 32,000 cases were on the average dealt with yearly by the Calcutta police, the nature of whose work is very different; of these, 29,800 were referred to the courts, and all but 950 ended in conviction.

The plan of identifying criminals by means of head measurements was introduced by Sir Edward Henry, when Inspector-General of Police ; but he subsequently replaced it by the system of finger-prints, which is now in vogue everywhere. The record of finger-impressions, which in 1897 consisted of only 8,000 slips, had risen to nearly 56,000 in 1 90 1, and to nearly 80,000 in 1903, when 1,555 ^"^^"^ were thus identified, compared with 345 in 1898, the first complete year of working.

A special reserve of from twenty to fifty constables, armed with converted Sniders (now being replaced by converted Martini-Henry carbines) under a sub-inspector, is maintained at the head-quarters of each District, and four military police companies of 100 each, armed with Martini-Henry rifles, are stationed at Dacca*, Bhagalpur, Dumka, and Hooghly. In accordance with the recommendation of the Police Commission, these reserves are to be strengthened and placed in charge of European inspectors, and all members of the force are to pass periodically through them for courses of training. A separate railway police was formed in 1867, and now comprises 2 Assistant Inspectors- General, 17 inspectors, 44 sub-inspectors, 154 head constables, and 731 native and 14 European constables.

The jails of Bengal are divided into three classes — Central, District, and subsidiary. The Central jails, which are in charge of whole-time officers, are intended for the confinement of persons sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. Including the Presidency Jail in Cal- cutta, where European convicts are incarcerated, there are now eight ^ Central jails; in 1881 there were nine, and in 1891 seven. At the head-quarters of Districts where there is no Central jail, there is a District jail, which, except at Darjeeling, is supervised by the Civil Surgeon. Prisoners sentenced to imprisonment for more than two years are transferred to a Central jail. There are subsidiary jails at all subdivisional head-quarters for the detention of under-trial prisoners, ' There are six Central jails in Bengal as now constituted. and of those sentenced to imprisonment for not more than fourteen days. It is proposed to detain only under-trial prisoners in these small jails as far as is practicable. Detailed statistics are given in Table XIII at the end of this article (p. 357).

The modern administration of the Jail department, which is controlled by an Inspector-General, dates from the period between 1877 and i88r, when many improvements were effected — the superintending staff was strengthened, and the pay and prospects of the subordinates were improved ; new jails were built, discipline was made more strict, and greater care began to be taken to see that the prisoners were properly housed, clothed, and fed, and that medical aid was promptly rendered to those in need of it. The result of these measures has been most satisfactory. In 1881 and for twenty years previously, the mortality amongst prisoners had exceeded 61 per 1,000 ; in the next decade it fell to 45; between 1892 and 1901 it was only 32, and in 1903 only 23-7 per 1,000. The chief jail diseases are dysentery, pneumonia, malarial fevers, and cholera. Dysentery is becoming less common ; in 1903, in spite of a greatly increased jail population, the deaths from this cause numbered only 91, compared with 475 twenty years earlier. Cholera has almost ceased to be a jail disease; in 1903 there were only 24 cases and 15 deaths. Fewer deaths than formerly are now ascribed to 'fever,' but this is due in part to better diagnosis; and the same cause may also perhaps account for the reported increase in tuberculosis, which, like pneumonia, often results from overcrowding.

In the District jails the prisoners are employed on simple forms of labour, such as brick-pounding, flour-grinding, and oil-pressing ; but in the Central jails special industries are carried on to meet the require- ments of various Government departments. In the Presidency Jail much of the Government printing is done ; at Buxar tents and cotton cloth are made ; at Midnapore the prisoners work in cane, coir, and aloe fibre, and so on. The earnings aggregated nearly 6 lakhs in 1903, compared with 5^ lakhs in 1881, but the provision of hard labour for the prisoners is considered of more importance than the amount earned. The expenditure is steadily rising, but this is due largely to the increased cost of food-stuffs.

Education

Bengal has always contained a large number of ordinary village schools or pdthsdlas. These were used mainly by the higher Hindu castes and gave instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic, but the education they afforded was very elementary ; it consisted largely in learning by rote, and especially in committing elaborate arithmetical tables to memory. Brahman pandits taught Sanskrit to their disciples, who were mostly Brahmans and Baidyas, and there were also some indigenous medical schools. Muham- madan children attended viaktahs, or elementary schools where boys learnt to recite the Koran, and madrasas, or more advanced schools teaching Persian and Arabic. Under the Company's Charter Act of 1 8 13 a lakh of rupees a year was allotted for expenditure on education, and in 1823 a Committee of Public Instruction was appointed. This Committee sought to encourage the learning and literature respected by the people and to foster high education as it was then understood, but no attempt was made to arrange for any general system of education.

Under Lord William Bentinck the cause of English education, which had hitherto been fostered mainly by the independent efforts of mission- aries, rapidly gained ground ; and in 1835 it was decided, through the influence of Macaulay, to impart instruction in the higher schools through the medium of English. The abolition in 1837 of Persian as the court language gave a great stimulus to the study of English, and about the same time the education grant was raised to 4^ lakhs ; a system of scholarships was created for English schools, and Bengal was divided into nine educational circles, in most of which there was a central college, while every District was provided with a school to teach both English and the vernacular.

The Committee of Public Instruction was replaced in 1842 by a Council of Education. A system of examinations and scholarships was devised, and steps were taken to obtain employment in the public service for the most successful students. Model vernacular schools were established, and arrangements were made for the periodical examination of indigenous schools. Books were lent to these schools, and money rewards, amounting to about Rs. 5,000 a year, were given to deserving teachers and pupils.

The celebrated educational Dispatch, issued by the Court of Directors in 1854, gave a great impulse to education in India, and led in Bengal to the appointment in 1855 of a Director of Public Instruction and of a certain number of inspectors and sub-inspectors of schools, and also, shortly afterwards, to the constitution of a University Committee. This was followed by the establishment of a regular department of Public Instruction. From that date the progress of education in Bengal has been rapid and sustained. Systematic inspection was introduced, the scholarship system was developed, and grants-in-aid were given to private schools and colleges. All grades of education were fostered, and a complete system of examinations was organized. Encouragement was afforded to elementary education by means of small scholarships offered to the best pupils of vernacular schools. The most advanced boys from the District schools competed every year for higher scholar- ships tenable in colleges. Grants-in-aid were given to 79 English and 140 vernacular schools, and the School Book and Vernacular Literature Societies were established, both of which published useful works.

In Bengal proper the colleges established prior to 1857 were fourteen in number, the earliest and most important being the Calcutta Madrasa, which was founded by Warren Hastings in rySr. In 181 7 the Hindu College, which was subsequently merged in the Presidency College, was founded for the teaching of the English language and European science. A college was established by the Baptist missionaries at Serampore in 1818. The Sanskrit College dates from 1824, and in 1830 Dr. Duff founded the General Assembly's Institution. The schism in the Scottish Church in 1843 led to the establishment of the Free Church Institution. The Hooghly College was opened in 1836, and the Patna College in 1855-6. Besides these, there were Government colleges at Dacca*, Berhampore, Midnapore, and Krishnagar. The Doveton, La Martiniere, and St. Paul's Colleges in Calcutta were private founda- tions, and the Bhawanlpur College was maintained by the London Missionary Society.

The Educational department is divided into four sections : namely, the Imperial service, the Provincial service, the Subordinate service, and the Lower Subordinate service. The Imperial service ^ consists of 31 ofificers appointed in England, comprising the Director of Public Instruction, Assam, the Assistant Director of Public Instruction, Bengal, 6 principals of colleges, 15 professors and 5 inspectors of schools, and 3 to fill vacancies. The post of Director of Public Instruction is not included within the Indian Educational service. The Provincial service, which is filled mainly by recruitment in India, consists of 109 officers: namely, 6 divisional inspectors of schools, 7 assistant inspectors, 7 principals of colleges, 56 professors of colleges, 23 head masters of collegiate and training schools, and 10 other officers. The Subordinate service, which includes all deputy-inspectors of schools, head masters of District schools, some assistant masters in District schools, foremen at technical institutions, &c., comprises 464 appoint- ments. The minimum pay is Rs. 50 a month. The Lower Subordinate service consists of 1,112 persons.

The Director is the chief controlling officer of the department. Below him the chief executive officers are the divisional inspectors of schools, one for each Commissioner's Division, who, with the help of

' Owing to the recent transfer of officers to the new Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, the strength of the Indian Educational service in Bengal has been reduced to 27 officers. It includes 2 divisional inspectors of schools, the inspector of European schools, the inspectress of schools, the Assistant Director of Public Instruction, 5 principals and 14 professors of colleges, and 3 officers to fill vacancies. After the transfer of 27 officers to the new Province, there remain 81 officers in the Bengal Provincial service: namely, 4 divisional inspectors and 5 assistant inspectors of schools, 5 principals and 42 professors of colleges, 16 head masters of collegiate and training schools, and 9 other officers. Altogether 101 officers have been transferred to the new Province from the Subordinate Educational service, which now comprises 346 officers exclusive of the sub-inspectors of schools.

assistant inspectors, supervise all schools in their Divisions. Usually each District is in charge of a deputy-inspector, who is assisted by a sub-inspector in each subdivision and guru instructors in each thdna. The District boards have control over education more or less elemen- tary in rural tracts, but in some cases they have delegated their duties in regard to primary education to local boards. In the few Districts where these boards do not exist, the local control is vested in special committees.

The department ^ maintains 1 1 Arts colleges, including one for girls ; 9 professional colleges, of which 7 are law colleges attached to and forming part of the same number of Arts colleges ; 77 secondary schools, including 2 high and one middle English school for girls; 123 primary schools, including one for girls; and also 145 schools for special in- struction, including a Government college and 4 Government vernacular schools for medicine.

The teaching institutions fall into three main groups : namely, Uni- versity education, or the advanced instruction given to candidates for degrees ; and secondary education, or the instruction given to boys and girls who have passed beyond the third or elementary stage, known as primary education.

The rise of the Calcutta University dates from 1856, when rules were formulated for conducting examinations and granting degrees in Arts, Law, Medicine, and Engineering, and the Presidency College was placed upon an improved footing. The Act of Incorporation of the Calcutta University was passed in January, 1857. In 1859 the inter- mediate examination in Arts was established, the degree of ' Licentiate ' was created in the Faculties of Law and Engineering, and that of Doctor in the Faculty of Law. The degree of M.A. was conferred for the first time in 1862, and that of Bachelor of Science in 1901-2.

In 1904 the Indian Universities Act was passed, which gives greater control in academical matters to the teachers who are connected with colleges affiliated to the University ; it also aims at improving the standard of education in colleges, imposes more stringent conditions on affiliation, and provides for periodical inspection by experts.

The Viceroy is Chancellor of the University. The Fellows are appointed by him, but some of them are selected on the suggestion of graduates and of the Faculties of the Senate. The Vice-Chancellor is appointed by the Governor-General-in-Council from the Fellows. The University is not a teaching University in the ordinary sense of the

In the new Provincial area the department maintains 8 Arts colleges, one of

which is for girls ; 6 professional colleges ; 59 secondary schools, including one high and 2 middle English schools for girls; 86 primary schools, one of which is for girls; and 103 special schools, including one Government college and 3 Government vernacular schools for medicine.

term ; its principal functions are to affiliate colleges, to recognize high schools, to prescribe courses of study for colleges and the upper classes of high schools, to hold examinations, and to grant certificates and diplomas to the successful candidates. The Chancellor, Vice-Chan- cellor, and Fellows constitute the Senate, which meets once a year, and also when convened by the Vice-Chancellor on the requisition of any six members. It is divided into the Faculties of Arts, Law, Medi- cine, and Engineering, to which a Faculty of Science has now been added. These Faculties arc appointed by the Senate at its annual meeting, and each elects its own president ; every member of the Senate is a member of at least one Faculty. The executive government of the University is vested in a Syndicate, consisting of the Vice-Chan- cellor and ten of the Fellows, who are elected for one year by the several Faculties, Boards of Studies consisting of from six to sixteen members are appointed for the principal departments of studies ; their duties are to recommend textbooks and the courses of study in their respective departments, and to advise the Syndicate regarding the appointment of examiners and upon any other matter that may be referred to them. The expenditure of the University in 1903-4 was 2-29 lakhs, which was entirely met from the fees paid by candidates at the examinations.

In 1857, 10 Arts colleges were affiliated to the Calcutta University. The number had risen to 34 in 1891, to 44 in 1901, and to 46 in 1903-4. These are divided into two grades: the first-grade teach up to the B.A. standard of the University, while in the second-grade colleges the course prescribed for the intermediate examination in Arts, or a course of a similar standard, is taught. An undergraduate of the University may appear for the B.A. or B.Sc. examination, pro- vided he has prosecuted a regular course of study in any affiliated institution for not less than four academical years, and if he passes, he may appear at the M.A. examination whenever he pleases. Of the 46 affiliated colleges, 1 1 are maintained by Government and one from municipal funds ; 6 are aided and 28 unaided. The Presidency, Patna, and St. Xavier's Colleges were affiliated to the B.Sc. standard of the Calcutta University in 1901. The Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science has also been affiliated to this standard. In addition to those just mentioned, the Dacca* College, the General Assembly's Institution, the Duff College, the Metropolitan Institution, the Ripon and the Bangabasi Colleges are the most important Arts colleges. The total expenditure incurred on Arts and Professional colleges in 1903-4 was 12-73 l^khs, of which 5-87 lakhs was derived from Provincial revenues and 4-92 lakhs from fees.

A Law department was attached to the Presidency College and affiliated to the University in 1857. This example was soon followed, and the number of colleges teaching law had grown to 12 in 1 890-1, and to 17 in 1 900-1, the number falling to 16 in 1903-4. The open- ing of law classes in other Calcutta institutions greatly reduced the attendance and income of those at the Presidency College, which were therefore abolished. The Calcutta Medical College was founded in 1835 by Lord William Bentinck, and affiliated to the Calcutta Univer- sity in 1857. For the students of this college University standards of various descriptions have been prescribed. Institutions for medical education are now controlled by the Inspector-General of Civil Hos- pitals. The Civil Engineering College was opened in November, 1856, as a department of the Presidency College, but in 1880 it was replaced by the Government Engineering College at Sibpur [see Howr.^h), which was affiliated to the University ; the instruction was made more practical, and classes were opened for civil engineers, mechanical engineers, overseers, and mechanical apprentices. A few appointments under Government are guaranteed to the students of this college.

Students not living with their parents or guardians are now required to reside at duly authorized hostels. The number of such hostels in 1903-4 was 411, with 14,045 inmates; and they were maintained at a cost of 10-95 'akhs, of which Rs. 51,000 was paid from pubHc sources.

The results of the most important examinations in each of the years 1880-T, 1890-1, 1900-1, and 1903-4 are shown below : —

Schools which have clas.ses where students are prepared for the University Matriculation examination are classed as ' high schools,' and all other secondary schools are ' middle schools.' The latter, again, are divided into two classes, according as English is or is not included in the curriculum. This language is the medium of instruction in the first four classes of high schools, and it is taught as a second language in all but the lowest classes of both high and middle English schools. There is a tendency to convert middle vernacular into middle English schools, and to raise the latter to the rank of high schools : the middle English now outnumber the middle vernacular schools, and also contain con- siderably more pupils. The attendance at schools of this class is improving, and is now about the same as in high schools. The total number of secondary schools for boys in 1903-4 was 2,465, of which 74, or 3 per cent, welre directly managed by Government, and 186, or 7'5 per cent., by District or municipal boards ; 1,584, or 64-3 per cent., were aided from public funds, including Native State revenues, while the rest were unaided. The number attending these schools was 252,000, or 4-4 per cent, of the boys of school-going age.

Primary schools are intended chiefly for the masses. They are divided into two grades — upper and lower. In the latter the elements of reading, writing, simple arithmetic, and agriculture are taught. It is now proposed to establish in purely agricultural areas rural schools with shorter and simpler courses suited to the needs of the agricultural population. In the upper primary schools the curriculum is a little more advanced, though considerably below the final course prescribed for middle schools ; it includes the elements of history, geography, geometry, and science, in addition to the study of vernacular literature. A few primary schools are managed by the Educational department or by local bodies ; but the great majority are merely aided by the grant of monthly or quarterly stipends, supplemented by grants made on the result of local inspection and depending upon the number of pupils under instruction, the stage of instruction reached, the qualifications of the giirU^ the nature and condition of the school-house, and other factors which go to make up a successful school. This system of payment was until recently the usual one, except in backward localities, but it has been held not to work satisfactorily. It has now been decided to pay all the gurus by fixed stipends, and an additional grant of 5 lakhs has been set aside by the Local Government for this purpose. In 1903-4, 122 primary schools were wholly maintained by the department, 18 by District or municipal boards, and 304 by Native States ; nearly 82 per cent, of the total number were aided in the manner described above, and a few were aided by Native States ; the remainder were unaided. The average yearly pay of the teachers of upper primary schools was about Rs. 136 in 1900-1, and rose to Rs. 148 in 1903-4; that of the teachers of lower primary schools rose in the same period from Rs. 56 to Rs. 63. In recent years no systematic attempt has been made to train gurus, but training schools for them are now being started in each subdivision.

The promotion of female education in Bengal is beset with difficulties. There is no general demand for it as a means of livelihood ; the parda system and early marriage stand in the way, and, until recently, the curriculum was not suitable for girls. New standards, containing more congenial subjects such as literature, history, domestic economy, and needlework, have now been prescribed for schools in and about Calcutta, and are being gradually introduced in the Districts.

Girls' schools in advanced tracts are aided from Provincial revenues, and model primary schools for them have been started in every District. Training classes, aided from Provincial revenues, have been recently opened in connexion with mission and other schools, and orthodox Hindu and Muhammadan female teachers have been appointed to further the spread of zandna education. Zandna teaching is also carried on by Christian missionaries and by several Hindu and Brahmo associations, especially in Calcutta.

The number of Arts colleges and schools for girls rose from 831 in 1881 to 2,362 in 1891, to 2,973 in 1901, and to 5,005 in 1904. In the same years the numbers of girls in colleges were respectively 5, 40, 72, and 98 ; in secondary schools, 6,000, 5,500, 5,600, and 5,600 ; and in primary schools, 29,000, 75,000, 91,000, and 147,000. The percentage of girls under instruction to the number of school-going age was 0-87 in 1880-1, i-6i in 1890-1, i-8 in 1900-1, and 2-8 in 1903-4. The Bethune College, La Martiniere, and Loretto House are the principal centres of female education. In all twelve high schools for girls were aided by Government or by District or municipal boards in 1903-4.

District boards spent Rs. 25,000 on girls' schools in 1 890-1, Rs. 38,000 in 1 900-1, and Rs. 80,000 in 1903-4. The boards have also created special scholarships for female pupils in primary schools. To encourage their education up to higher standards at home, Government has recently ruled that girls may draw scholarship stipends without attending schools, if they can prove that they have attained a higher standard by home study. There are an inspectress and assistant inspec- tress of girls' schools, whose duty it is to look after female education.

The estabhshment of normal schools for training teachers other than gurus dates from 1S55, but it was not until 1874 that they became at all numerous. There were then 56 in all. There are 10 medical schools as compared with 5 in 1884; of these 4 are Government institutions, and the rest are unaided. Among other special schools may be mentioned 4 engineering and survey and 4 art schools. There were 27 industrial schools with 806 pupils in 1903-4, against 4 with 144 pupils twenty years previously. Aladrasas (for the teaching of Arabic and Persian) have increased during the same period from 7 to 83. Various other educational institutions, such as recognized tols (for the teaching of Sanskrit), reformatory schools, music schools, and schools for the deaf and dumb, number in all 590. An agricultural department . attached to the Sibpur Civil Engineering College was attended in 1903-4 by 25 students, 11 in the first year class and 14 in the second year ; it has not been very successful and will shortly be removed to Pusa.

Fixed grants were formerly given to certain European schools in Bengal, but since 1882 the annual grants have been based partly on the returns of attendance, and partly on the results of examinations. The primary and secondary schools, taken together, numbered 55 with 5,000 pupils in 1883, and 69 with 7,000 pupils in 1891 ; while 80 schools with 8,000 pupils were returned in 1903-4. The number of pupils who passed the various code examinations was 65 in 1883, 247 in 1891, and 543 in 1903-4 ; the numbers who passed the entrance examination of the Calcutta University in the same three years were 38, 95, and 16 respectively. A few boys of the better class are provided with appoint- ments in the Police, Opium, and Accounts departments. Some have obtained situations in railways, mercantile offices, tea-gardens, and jute factories, and some have continued their education in the Medical College or at the Sibpur Engineering College. The girls have become teachers, typewriters, or shop assistants, and a few of them have entered the medical profession.

Although some improvement is observable of late years, Muham- madans are still backward in respect of education. In proportion to the relative populations, Hindus gained twelve times as many University degrees in 1901 as Muhammadans, and they sent thrice the number of pupils to secondary schools. In the same year only 9 per cent, of Muhammadans of school-going age attended primary schools, as com- pared with 1 1 -9 per cent, among Hindus. The comparison, however, cannot fairly be made solely on a numerical basis ; the great majority of the Muhammadans of Bengal are converts from the lower strata of the population, and it is doubtful if they are worse educated than the Kochs and Chandals and cognate Hindu castes from whose ranks they have sprung. Moreover, their instruction in the ordinary schools is retarded by the long course of religious training which a devout Musalman must undergo before he may turn his thoughts to the acquisition of secular knowledge. In order to foster Muhammadan education, steps have been taken to improve the Maktabs and Koran schools by offering subsidies to teachers who adopt the departmental standards, by replacing teachers of the old type by better qualified men, and by increasing the number of Muhammadans on the inspecting staff. Muhammadan pupils in high schools are allowed additional free studentships and enjoy the benefits of the Mohsin fund, under which they obtain part remission of fees in schools and colleges. Several special scholarships have also been created, with a view to enable Muhammadans to receive collegiate education.

The great home of the aboriginal races is in the hills and uplands of the Chota Nagpur plateau and the adjacent country. Special attention has been given to the requirements of these rude tribes by Government and the District boards, and excellent service has been rendered by missionaries, who have established many schools in their midst. The Dublin University Mission has started a college at Hazaribagh for the promotion of their higher education, and a Govern- ment high school at Rangamati is also chiefly intended for aborigines. In the Santal Parganas a special inspector has been appointed to visit Santal schools. In all 8,000 Christian and 34,000 non-Christian aborigines attended school in 1903-4.

The expenditure on the various classes of educational institutions in 1900-1 and in 1903-4, with the sources from which the funds were derived, is shown in Table XIV at the end of this article (p. 358).

The number of children attending schools represented 10-2 per cent, of the total population of school-going age in 1881, 13-5 in 1891, 14-2 in 1901, and 16-5 per cent, in 1903-4. The number of persons returned as literate at the Census of 1901 was 4,259,000, or 5-5 per cent, of the total population ; for males the percentage was 10-5 and for females 0-5. During the last decade the number of literate males shows an increase of 15 per cent., while that of females has risen by 63 per cent. In every 10,000 persons of each sex, 89 males and 6 females can read and write English. The Burdwan, Presidency, and Orissa Divisions are the most advanced in the matter of education. Among religions, Christians take the lead, followed, in the order mentioned, by Buddhists, Hindus, Musalmans, and Animists. Of the Hindu indigenous castes, the Baidyas and Kayasths have the largest proportion of literate persons, and the depressed race-castes of Bihar have the smallest.

The fees in Government colleges vary from Rs. 12 a month in the Presidency College to Rs. 2 in the Calcutta Madrasa and the Sanskrit College ; those in aided colleges range from Rs. 5 to Rs. 3, and those in unaided colleges from Rs. 5 to Rs. 2-8 ^ In Government high schools fees range from R. i to Rs. 5 j in aided high schools from annas 8 to Rs. 2, and in unaided high schools from annas 4 to Rs. 2. In Government middle schools the fees vary from annas 2 to R. i, in aided middle schools from 2 to 8 annas, and in unaided middle schools from I to 8 annas. In primary schools the fees are from i to 4 annas.

The principal statistics of colleges, schools, and scholars for each of the years 1 890-1, 1 900-1, and 1903-4 are shown in Table XV at the end of this article (p. 359).

Leaving out of account the Samdchdr Darpan, which was started long ago at Serampore by Baptist missionaries, and the Samdchdr Chandrika, a Calcutta publication, it is doubtful whether even half a dozen vernacular newspapers were in existence in Bengal before i860. In 1863, when a weekly official report on native papers was instituted, the total number was 20, of which one was published in English and Urdu, 3 in Persian, one in Hindi, and 15 in Bengali. No

' The Raj College at Burdwan charges no fees.

less than 7 of these papers were entirely devoted to religious and social topics. The numbers of these newspapers stood at 40 in 1873, at 50 in 1881, at 71 in 1891, at 55 in 1901, and at 70 (4 only being Muhammadan) in 1903-4. In that year there were also 22 native- owned English newspapers and 4 Anglo-vernacular papers. Owing to the spread of vernacular education and the growth of a reading public, the native newspaper press has now, in its own way, become a power in the country. A great change has gradually taken place in its character, tone, and literary style. In 1863 and for some years afterwards the papers devoted small space to the discussion of political questions or large administrative measures, and items of news and speculations on religious and social subjects constituted the major portion of their contents. Politics received very meagre treatment ; the writers offered their opinions with diffidence, and their tone was always respectful ; their literary style was stiff and sanskritized. The principal characteristics of such papers at the present time are the increasing prominence given to political and administrative questions, a reckless, exaggerated, and occasionally disloyal tone, and a colloquial, ungrammatical, and anglicized style. With the spread of English education, the papers published in English by Bengalis are rapidly growing in importance.

The vernacular papers have, as a rule, a very limited circulation, and only about 15 are of much importance. The HUabadl and Basiimati occupy the first place in respect of circulation ; the latter paper has, however, less influence than the Bangabdst, the organ of the orthodox Hindus. The Sanjlbanl is the mouthpiece of the Brahmos, and the Habl-ul-mat'in and Mihir-o-Siidhdkar represent the Muhammadans.

The number of publications received in the Bengal Library during 1903-4 was 2,905, of which 2,089 were books and 816 were periodicals. These publications deal with literary, social, political, religious, and economic subjects ; but, with the exception of a few important scientific publications, they display little original research.

Medical

Most of the chief medical institutions of the Province are in Calcutta. Among the Mofussil institutions the largest and most important is the Mitford Hospital at Dacca*, which was built in 1858 ^ at a cost of over Rs. 76,000 ; it has accommodation for 170 patients. The Bankipore Hospital, for which a new building is being provided, has now 124 beds; the Cuttack General Hospital has 82 beds ; the Burdwan Hospital, 76 ; the Darbhanga Hospital, 65 ; the Midnapore Hospital, 7 7 ; and the Gaya Pilgrim Hospital, 84 beds. The Lady Dufferin Zanana Hospitals in Bettiah and Darbhanga, main- tained, respectively, by the Bettiah and the Darbhanga Rajs, and the Lady Elgin Zanana Hospital at Gaya are also doing excellent work.

VOL. VII. z There are dispensaries at all District and subdivisional head-quarters and wherever there are municipalities, and also at many places in the interior ; all the former and many of the latter of these have accommo- dation for in-patients. They are for the most part maintained by the municipality or District board concerned, with the aid of grants from Government and public subscriptions. The total number of these dispensaries in 1903 was 614, compared with only 237 twenty years earlier. For further details Table XVI at the end of this article may be referred to (p. 360).

There are 5 lunatic asylums in the Province, situated at Bhawampur in Calcutta, Dacca*, Patna, Cuttack, and Berhampore. Of these, the first is reserved for Europeans and Eurasians, and the others for natives ; the latter, with the exception of that at Dacca*, will soon be replaced by a single central asylum. The alleged causes of insanity among Europeans are chiefly the abuse of alcohol among males and heredity in the case of females ; ^a^//a-smoking and heredity are the chief causes assigned for lunacy among natives.

There are 8 asylums for lepers, at Gobra, Deogarh, Purulia, RanT- ganj, Asansol, Bankura, Bhagalpur, and Lohardaga. The six last mentioned have been established by the Society for Missions to Lepers in India and the East, and the Gobra asylum is a Government institution managed by a body appointed by Government. The total number of inmates in October, 1904, was 1,179, o^ whom 622 were in the Purulia asylum. The Lepers Act, III of 1898, which came into force in Bengal in 1901, provides for the segregation and medical treatment of pauper lepers and for the control of lepers following certain trades connected with the bodily requirements of human beings.

In former times the practice of inoculation was widespread. The operation was preceded by a ceremony performed in honour of Sitala, the goddess of small-pox : a twig of a mango-tree was dipped in a pitcher of water, some mantras or charms were recited by a Brahman, and offerings of milk and sweetmeats were made. The patient was then inoculated with the crust of small-pox on the right forearm, if a male, or on the left forearm, if a female. He was bathed on the second day, to bring on fever, and was then confined for twenty- one days, after which a mixture of turmeric, ?ilm leaves, and coco-nut oil was rubbed over the body. Inoculation is still practised clan- destinely in parts of Orissa and Bihar, but it is becoming more and more rare, and vaccination is rapidly taking its place. Vaccinators are licensed by District Magistrates, and their work is supervised by the Civil Surgeons and the Superintendents of Vaccination. Where the older method survives, the vaccinators are usually recruited from the ranks of the former inoculators, but in the Province as a whole barely a quarter of the staff belongs to this class.

The chief statistics of hospitals, lunatic asylums, and of vaccination are shown in Table XVI at the end of this article (p. 360).

In order to bring quinine within the reach of all, the system of selling it through the agency of the Postal department, in pice-packets, each containing 5 (now 7) grains, was inaugurated in 1892. The drug is manufactured at the Government factory in Darjeeling, and is made up into packets at the Alipore jail, whence it is supplied to all post ofifices in Bengal. The postmasters receive a small commission on the sales effected by them. The system has met with considerable success ; in 1903 nearly 3,000,000 packets of this valuable febrifuge were sold, compared with one-eighth of a million in 1893.

The difficulties in the way of promoting village sanitation in India are enormous, the chief being the ignorance and prejudices of the people and the absence of an educated and trustworthy local agency. Some- thing has been done to improve the water-supply by providing tanks and wells, and disinfecting them either periodically or when epidemic disease breaks out ; and grave sanitary evils, which affect the public health and so constitute a public nuisance, are dealt with under Chap- ter XIV of the Indian Penal Code. The Local Self-Government Act (III (B.C.) of 1885) contains provisions for enforcing sanitation, but they have not yet been applied. A Sanitary Board was constituted in 1889, but it is merely a consultative body, and at present attention is directed mainly to the education of public opinion in municipalities. It is hoped that in time, with the diffusion of education, a knowledge of sanitary requirements will gradually spread to rural areas ; but until it does so very few improvements are feasible.

Surveys

The basis of all surveys in Bengal is the Grand Trigonometrical Survey which was carried out early in the nineteenth century. A general revenue survey commenced in 1835, and by 1872 the operations had been extended to the whole Province except Midnapore District (which was surveyed in 1872-8), the Sundar- bans. Hill Tippera*, the Chittagong Hill Tracts*, the Santal Parganas, Angul, and the Chota Nagpur Division. Most of these tracts were topographically surveyed during the same period on scales varying from i inch to I inch to the mile. The revenue survey was preceded by a demarcation of villages and estates, which was known as the thdk survey, and was generally made on the scale of 4 inches to the mile. The boundary of each village and estate was separately surveyed ; the maps showed also important topographical details, but were on too small a scale to indicate field boundaries. From these surveys District maps have been prepared on \ and i inch scales.

Between 1863 and 1869 a diara^ survey was made along the banks of the Ganges from the point where it enters Bengal down to its junction Diiira means an alluvial flat or island. with the Brahmaputra, and all changes due to alluvion and diluvion which had taken place since the revenue survey were mapped. In 1874-6 this survey was continued down to the sea. About the same time a number of surveys were made in different parts of the Province, either in order to resettle the revenue of Government estates, as in the case of Chittagong* and Khurda, or to assess ghdtwdli ^ lands in Chota Nagpur. These surveys were generally on a scale of 16 inches to the mile and showed field boundaries, but they were with some exceptions partial and unprofessional, and were lacking in accuracy and finish. In 1889 it became necessary to survey the sub-province of Orissa and the District of Chittagong*, in order to resettle the revenue of time- expired estates, and professional detachments of the Survey department of the Government of India were organized for this purpose. In 1890 it was decided to prepare a survey and record-of-rights in the North Bihar Districts, and similar methods were adopted. The total area dealt with by parties of the Survey of the Government of India between 1889 and the end of September, 1904, has been 32,915 square miles, as shown below : —

These surveys have been made on a scale of 16 inches to the mile (larger scales have sometimes been employed for crowded village sites), and the maps show the boundary of each field as well as all topographical features. In addition to the area shown above, similar operations have been carried out in the Santal Parganas, Singhbhum, Noakhali* and elsewhere, by parties working under the supervision of revenue officers, the field-to-field measurements in this case being some- times preceded by a professional traverse survey. A large number of petty estates have also been surveyed at the request of the proprietors. Taking all these surveys together, cadastral maps of about 36,405 square miles, or nearly a quarter of the area of British territory in the Province, have been prepared since 1889.

In 1892 an officer of the Survey of India was appointed, with the title of Director of Bengal Surveys, to administer the Bengal Survey directly

1 Lands held, in lieu of pay, for police services. Disputes had arisen as to what lands were so held, and as to the services to be rendered. under the Bengal Government. His post was abolished in 1895, and the appointment of Superintendent of Provincial Surveys created in its stead.

Bibliography

[Vincent A. Smith: The Early History of India (1904). — Charles Stewart: The History of Bengal (1813). — Fifth Report from the Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company (1812). — Montgomery Martin : The History, Antiquities, Topography, and Sta- tistics of Eastern India (1838). — Ofificial Mutiny Narratives. — W. W. Hunter: The Annals of Rural Bengal (1868); Orissa (1872); A Statistical Account of Bengal (1875-7). — C. E. Buckland : Bengal imder the Lieutenant-Governors (Calcutta, 1901). — Sair-ul-Mutdkharin, Raymond's translation (reprinted at Calcutta, 1903). — Report on the Administration of Bengal, 190 1-2 (Calcutta, 1903). — Riydzu-s-Saldtln, translated by Maulvi Abdus Salam (Calcutta, 1904). — The Diary of William Hedges, 3 vols., ed. H. Yule (Hakluyt Society, 1887-9). — ' Indian Records Series,' S. C. Hill : Bengal in 1756-7, 3 vols. (1905). — C. R. Wilson : Early Annals of the English in Bengal, 2 vols. (Calcutta, 1895 and 1900) ; List of Lnscriptions on Tombs or Monu- ments in Bengal {(Z2i\c\xitVi, 1896); Old Fort William in Bengal, 2 vols. (1906). — Census Reports, 1872, 1881, 1891, and 1901. — H. H. Risley : Tribes and Castes of Bengal (Calcutta, 1891). — A. P. MacDonnell : Food-grain Supply and Famine Relief in Bihar and Bengal (Calcutta, 1876). — E. W. Collin: Report on the Existing Arts and Industries in Bengal (Calcutta, 1890). — Provincial Monographs on Brass and Copper, Pottery and Glass, Dyes, Cotton, Woollen and Silk Fabrics, Ivory and Wood-carving, Gold and Silver Ware (Calcutta, 1894- 1905).]

@@ Line 3,162: / Line 3,162: @@
 [[File: gazetteer62.png||frame|500px]]
-==Famine==
-In an agricultural country like Bengal the failure of the crops must
-always cause considerable distress, the degree of which varies with the
-nature and extent of the failure, the material condition
-of the people, and their character, and lastly the
-accessibility or otherwise of the tract affected.
-The great cause of deficient harvests is insufficient or badly distributed
-rainfall. Sometimes much damage is done by floods, and sometimes,
-though more rarely, by blight or locusts ; but in such cases the area
-affected is generally limited.
-The crop which is most sensitive to a short or badly distributed rain-
-fall is the winter rice, which requires copious showers in May and a
-punctual commencement of the monsoon, but is especially dependent
-on the continuance of the rainfall throughout September and the early
-days of October ; it is this crop which is most liable to fail in adverse
-seasons. It follows that, if the rainfall is uncertain, the tracts most
-liable to famine are those in which the winter rice is most largely grown.
-In the favoured Districts of Eastern Bengal the winter rice is the staple
-crop ; but there a serious failure of the annual rains is unknown, and
-the subsoil water-level is so high that, in years when the rainfall is only
-moderately deficient, the ground retains sufficient moisture to prevent
-anything approaching a total loss of the crops.
-The whole of the
-Dacca* and Chittagong* Divisions are therefore excluded from the list
-of tracts liable to famine. Here the only danger of disaster arises from
-the cyclonic storm-waves which, at intervals, burst over the country and
-carry in their train widespread ruin and desolation. In other parts of
-Bengal proper, where also the winter rice is as a rule the principal crop,
-the immunity from famine is less complete ; but the rainfall is usually
-ample, and the areas liable to famine are less extensive than in the
-other sub-provinces. From time to time the submontane tracts have
-been swept by disastrous floods ; and, when the embankments on the
-left bank of the Bhaglrathi give way, floods occasionally break across
-Murshidabad and Nadia Districts. The Damodar also sometimes
-inundates the country on its right bank.
-In Bihar the conditions north and south of the Ganges differ con-
-siderably. The latter has a more scanty rainfall ; but it enjoys an
-extensive system of irrigation, partly from the Son Canals constructed
-by the Government, and partly from reservoirs constructed by the ryots
-themselves on the slopes of the undulations which characterize that part
-of the country. A great variety of crops are grown, and it rarely happens
-that famine obtains a grip over any considerable area. North of the
-Ganges the rainfall is more copious than on the south bank, but it is
-more capricious than in Bengal proper. In Saran and the south of
-Muzaffarpur there is a good deal of irrigation from wells or streams, and
-the crops are divided almost equally among the three great harvests of
-the year, so that a total crop failure is practically impossible. Elsewhere,
-and especially in the northern part of Champaran, Muzaffarpur, and
-Darbhanga Districts, which borders on the Nepal tarai, winter rice is
-the main crop. In normal years the fertile soil yields bountiful crops
-without irrigation, which has not been adequately provided and which
-is necessary only in seasons of drought ; but the population is dense,
-wages are low and rents high, and when the rains fail the distress is
-great. This is the zone described by Sir Richard Temple as the
-' blackest of black spots on the famine map.' There has scarcely ever
-been a year of distress or scarcity in any part of Bengal when North
-Bihar did not bear the brunt of it. Orissa suffered terribly from famine
-in 1866 and 1867; but, since the construction of the canals now in
-existence, there has been nf) widespread crop failure, and it is only in
-Purl District that famine on a large scale is at all likely to occur. Chota
-Nagpur is a sparsely populated region, inhabited by wild tribes ; and its
-liability to famine is due mainly to its inaccessibility, which makes it
-difficult to import food-grains, and to the suspicious and restless nature
-of the ignorant aborigines, who shun relief works as they would the
-plague.
-The danger of widespread famine is gradually being reduced, owing
-to the improvement in the material condition of the people, the growing
-demand for labour in the coal-mines, jute-mills, and other non-agricul-
-tural undertakings, the great improvement that has been made in com-
-munications, and especially the rapid growth of railways, which now tap
-nearly every District in the Province, and the construction of protective
-canals in the tracts where the danger of famine due to insufficient rain-
-fall is greatest. In the whole Province it is estimated that an area of
-,500 square miles is liable to famine ; and of this area 28,500 square
-miles are in the sub-province of Bihar, 27,000 in Chota Nagpur, 14,500
-in Bengal proper, and 4,500 in Orissa. The population of this area is
-,000,000 ; and if all these tracts were simultaneously affected by severe
-famine, it might be necessary to provide relief for 2,000,000 persons.
-The first great famine of which we have any trustworthy record is
-that which devastated the Province in 1769-70, when Bengal, though
-under British control, was still under native administration. Eastern
-Bengal alone escaped, and, except for the importation of a small quan-
-tity of rice from this favoured tract, it does not appear that any public
-measures for relief were taken. One-third of the population of Bengal
-is believed to have perished in this terrible catastrophe. The next
-really serious scarcity in Bengal was the memorable Orissa famine of
--7. The full extent of the crop failure consequent on the scanty
-rainfall of 1865 and the exhaustion of the local food supplies was not
-realized by the authorities in time; and when at last, in June, 1866, an
-effort was made to provide the starving people with food, the south-west
-monsoon prevented the ships, lying laden with grain in the port of
-Calcutta, from reaching the stricken people ^. It is said that a quarter
-of the population died of starvation and of the diseases which resulted.
-This disaster, appalling as it was, had one good result — it led to a firm
-determination to prevent all similar occurrences in future, and from that
-time dates the earnest watchfulness which has never since been relaxed.
-At the next serious crop failure in 1874 scarcity prevailed chiefly in
-North Bihar and also, in a lesser degree, in South Bihar and North
-Bengal. On this occasion relief measures were undertaken in ample
-time, and all serious loss of life was prevented. The defect, if any, in
-the administration of this famine was that money was expended too
-The monsoon of 1886 was as licavy as that of the previous year liad been light,
-and in low-lying tracts tlie rice was destroyed by lloods. On this occasion amjile
-relief was given.
-lavishly, and the object in view might perhaps have been effected at a
-lower cost than the 6 crores actually spent.
-In 1 89 1 the early close of the monsoon and the absence of the cold-
-season rains caused much damage to the winter rice and rabi crops,
-and relief operations were necessary in parts of Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga,
-Monghyr, Bhagalpur, Purnea, and Dinajpur*, The largest number on
-relief works on any one day was 83,000, and on gratuitous relief 4,700 ;
-the total cost of the operations was rather less than 5 lakhs.
-The famine of 1896-7 was far more serious. The causes of the crop
-failure were a very unfavourable distribution of the rainftill early in 1896
-and its entire absence after the early part of September. There had
-been a very poor harvest of winter rice in 1895, and in 1896 it was
-again this crop that suffered most. The brunt of the famine fell upon
-the Districts of Champaran, Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, and Saran, and
-especially upon the tracts near the Nepal frontier, where the proportion
-of rice cultivation is highest. In the Chota Nagpur plateau, Palamau,
-Hazaribagh, Manbhum, and two tracts in the Santal Parganas were
-seriously affected. Relief works were opened in November, 1896, and
-by the close of the year 45,000 persons were employed on them. In
-March, 1897, the distress deepened rapidly, and the numbers on relief
-rose steadily until May, when 402,000 persons were employed on
-famine works, and 426,000 were in receipt of gratuitous relief. As
-soon as the monsoon had fairly set in, the numbers quickly diminished,
-and during September and October relief operations were brought to
-a close. The total expenditure was nearly no lakhs, in addition to
-advances to cultivators aggregating nearly 3 lakhs, donations of nearly
-lakhs from the Charitable Relief Fund, the outcome of voluntary
-subscriptions in India, England, and other countries, and private relief
-by zamlndCirs and others. The measures adopted were most successful
-in saving life ; and the vital statistics, which are confirmed by the results
-of the last Census, show that, except in the wilder parts of Chota Nag-
-pur, the mortality was actually below the normal during the famine
-year\ The birth-rate was very little affected; it fell slightly in 1898,
-the year after the famine, but rose so much higher than usual in the
-following year, that the mean birth-rate of the two years taken together
-was considerably above the average for the decade.
-In 1899 the monsoon was very capricious in parts of Chota Nagpur
-and Orissa. There was excessive rain in July, but exceptionally litde
-in August and September. The crops were very poor throughout
-the area affected, but actual famine supervened only in about half of
-Ranch! and a small part of Palamau District.
 ==Administration==

Bengal, 1908