Narendra Modi - Revision history

Jyoti: /* 2015- 2025 September */

2025-09-28T10:41:11Z

‎2015- 2025 September

Jyoti: /* 2015- 2025 September */

2025-09-28T10:38:18Z

‎2015- 2025 September

Jyoti: /* NDA government (2014- ) */

2025-09-28T10:29:02Z

‎NDA government (2014- )

Show changes

Jyoti: /* 2019 elections */

2024-06-12T03:16:21Z

‎2019 elections

Pdewan at 21:25, 6 June 2024

2024-06-06T21:25:17Z

Pdewan: /* 2019 elections */

2024-06-06T21:23:42Z

‎2019 elections

Pdewan: /* 2014: General Elections */

2024-06-06T21:22:14Z

‎2014: General Elections

Jyoti: /* The economy’s performance */

2023-07-16T11:58:11Z

‎The economy’s performance

Jyoti: /* Foreign policy */

2022-05-25T00:37:23Z

‎Foreign policy

Jyoti: /* Foreign policy */

2021-05-18T16:50:59Z

‎Foreign policy

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  The shift from biomass to LPG improved air quality and freed up women’s time. WHO studies show household air pollution has declined significantly in rural India.
-===A timeline===
+=== A timeline ===
 [https://epaper.indiatimes.com/article-share?article=17_09_2025_017_002_cap_TOI  Swapan Dasgupta, Sep 17, 2025: ''The Times of India'']
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  In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, BJP again formed the govt, this time with the backing of Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu. Modi was sworn in as Prime Minister for the third consecutive term, a feat only Jawaharlal Nehru had managed. In early 2025, terror attack in Pahalgam was followed by the launch of Operation Sindoor by Indian forces targeting terror hubs in Pakistan.
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← Older revision		Revision as of 10:38, 28 September 2025
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	The shift from biomass to LPG improved air quality and freed up women’s time. WHO studies show household air pollution has declined significantly in rural India.		The shift from biomass to LPG improved air quality and freed up women’s time. WHO studies show household air pollution has declined significantly in rural India.
		+
		+	===A timeline===
		+	[https://epaper.indiatimes.com/article-share?article=17_09_2025_017_002_cap_TOI Swapan Dasgupta, Sep 17, 2025: ''The Times of India'']
		+
		+
		+	''' THE RISE OF A TALL LEADER '''
		+
		+	''' 1950-1985 '''
		+
		+	''From R S S To BJP''
		+
		+	Narendra Modi was born on Sept 17, 1950, in Vadnagar town in Mehsana district of Gujarat, the third child of Damodardas and Hiraba. By 1972, he had joined the R S S and become a pracharak, committing himself to full-time social and political work. In 1985, he was assigned by R S S to the state BJP unit.
		+
		+	''' 1985-2001 '''
		+
		+	''National Politics To Guj Hot Seat ''
		+
		+	In 1987, Modi was appointed general secretary of Gujarat BJP and was associated with campaigns for local and assembly elections. In 1995, BJP’s victory in elections in Gujarat was followed by Modi being named secretary of the party’s national organisation in New Delhi. He went on to become its general secretary in 1998.
		+
		+	In 2001, he was named Gujarat CM to replace Keshubhai Patel.
		+
		+	''' 2001-2014 '''
		+
		+	Four-Time Guj CM Becomes PM Modi led BJP to consecutive victories in 2002, 2007 and 2012 elections, becoming the longestserving Gujarat CM. The ‘Gujarat Model’ of economic growth and infrastructure development under his leadership became much talked about. In 2013, he was named BJP’s PM candidate for parliamentary elections the year after.
		+
		+	''' 2014-2025 '''
		+
		+	''Face Of BJP’s Rise''
		+
		+	BJP won a majority on its own led by Modi as NDA took office at the Centre after a 10-year gap. Modi’s first term saw the launch of Swachh Bharat Mission. He announced demonetisation banning Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes in 2016 while GST was introduced in July 2017.
		+	BJP won with an even bigger margin in 2019.
		+
		+	In his second term as PM, Art. 370 giving special status to J&K was abrogated and triple talaq banned. India launched airstrikes on Balakot in Pakistan following the Pulwama terror attack in 2019. After Covid hit, India swiftly moved to emerge as a key hub for vaccine production with a massive vaccination campaign carried out nationally.
		+
		+	In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, BJP again formed the govt, this time with the backing of Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu. Modi was sworn in as Prime Minister for the third consecutive term, a feat only Jawaharlal Nehru had managed. In early 2025, terror attack in Pahalgam was followed by the launch of Operation Sindoor by Indian forces targeting terror hubs in Pakistan.

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 ''The words used most frequently by Narendra Modi during the 2019 elections-Ii''
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+[https://epaper.indiatimes.com/article-share?article=05_06_2024_026_005_cap_TOI Rajeev Dikshit, June 5, 2024: ''The Times of India'']
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+Varanasi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi won Varanasi Lok Sabha seat by defeating INDIA bloc candidate and Uttar Pradesh Congress chief Ajay Rai, but his 1.5-lakh vote victory margin on Tuesday marked the closest contest the prime minister has faced since his victory in 2014, and a steep fall from 2019 when he had won by 4.8 lakh votes.
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@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
 [[File: Mr Narendra Modi’s international, diplomatic outreach, 2014-June 2016.jpg| Mr Narendra Modi’s international, diplomatic outreach, 2014-June 2016; Graphic courtesy: [http://epaperbeta.timesofindia.com/Gallery.aspx?id=07_06_2016_014_027_010&type=P&artUrl=PM-secures-Swiss-support-on-stashed-cash-07062016014027&eid=31808 ''The Times of India''], June 7, 2016|frame|500px]]
 [[File: India Today , December 29 ,2016 .jpg| India Today , December 29 ,2016 |frame|500px]]
-[[File: With Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Brisbane.jpg|With Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Brisbane|frame|500px]]
-[[File: With Russian President Vladimir Putin in New Delhi.jpg|With Russian President Vladimir Putin in New Delhi|frame|500px]]
-[[File: With Australian PM Tony Abbott In Canberra.jpg|vWith Australian PM Tony Abbott In Canberra|frame|500px]]
-[[File: With Chinese President Xi Jinping In New Delhi.jpg|With Chinese President Xi Jinping in New Delhi|frame|500px]]
-[[File: With US President Barack Obama In Washington.jpg|With US President Barack Obama in Washington|frame|500px]]
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 =A profile=
 [http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/indias-most-powerful-prime-minister-in-decadesnarendra-modi-has-become-the-focal-point-of-a-young-nations-aspiration-for-a-better-tomorrow/1/408699.html ''India Today'']
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 Wilson was among five people arrested from Mumbai, Nagpur and Delhi in connection with Elgar Parishad held in December and the subsequent Bhima-Koregaon violence in Maharashtra.
 =2019 elections=
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 ''The words used most frequently by Narendra Modi during the 2019 elections-Ii''

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 In 2011, many MoUs were signed with Chinese entities; most have not materialized. These plans included: telecom giant Huawei setting up a manufacturing base in the state; and a tie-up between Shanghai Institute for Contemporary Development Studies for International Enterprises and a university in Gujarat. The state wanted to consult the Shanghai (Yangshan) Deep Water Port authority for technological options for the Kalpasar Project, but progress hasn't been achieved. Gujarat is a heavyweight in the port sector and has immense potential.
-Kaveree Bamzai
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-March 27, 2015
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-Lance Price has written the definitive account of the campaign that got Modi to where he is now, friend of Barack and Bibi, mentor-in-residence of a young nation, and custodian-in-chief of an emerging alternative narrative of the past. Much of what he tells us is known to most journalists who reported or researched the 2014 General Election-the use of social media, the debut of 3D technology, the support of gurus such as Baba Ramdev and Sri Sri Ravi Shankar. But the star of the book, as of the campaign, is Modi, as he tirelessly recounts the relentless campaign to Price with complete lack of irony about either referring to himself in the third person or recalling his God-given gifts (among them being a sense of style).
+[[Category:Politics|N NARENDRA MODINARENDRA MODINARENDRA MODINARENDRA MODI
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-==Key learnings==
-===Pay attention to details===
-Piyush Pandey talks of how Modi was his art director, often stepping in to suggest colours and designs. Nothing was too minor for Candidate Modi to pay attention to. The theme was clear and best articulated by Modi: "My campaign had to be national but my appeal had to be local to the people."
-−
-===Delegate to the right people===
-Because Modi could not use the party machinery, he put together a collection of bright, young, committed professionals, ranging from IT specialists Hiren Joshi and Prashant Kishor to admen Piyush Pandey and Prasoon Joshi, who worked tirelessly for him.
-−
-===Allow for experiments===
-The 'Chai pe Charcha' was abandoned after the first three times, while the 3D technology was tried a few times before it was perfected.
-−
-===Never miss an opportunity to attack===
-The 2014 campaign was marked by the Congress handing Modi a series of prize catches-from Rahul Gandhi's toffee remark to Priyanka Gandhi's comment about neech rajniti to Manmohan Singh's achche din remark at his last press conference as prime minister. Modi didn't miss a single trick.
-−
-===Never give up===
-As Price notes, Modi had to mount a three-step campaign-to win Gujarat in 2012, win over his party in 2013 and then India in 2014. It required patience, dedication, and never losing faith, not just on Modi's part but also on the part of all his followers. They managed because they didn't drop the ball even once.
-−
-Go big With Modi, says an aide to Price, everything had to be the biggest, the boldest, the best. Nothing less would do.
-−
-Price gives us a ringside view of Modi's way of working: how he checks his email first thing in the morning and the last thing at night. He tells us of Modi's two favourite responses to criticism-Congress lies and media distortion, in that order. He even settles the debate on how much, or how little, Modi sleeps-it is five hours.
-−
-It is when Price is analysing the future of the government that he is at his best. He quotes Arun Shourie as saying that the government had better start performing if it has to endure: "You need to act on what Buddha said: Live each day like your hair is on fire." And indeed, though Modi seems in no hurry, India is. It's when you read Price that you remember what an extraordinary campaign Modi launched to win India. Now he has to unleash similar forces for India to win the world. Or as Mario Cuomo said so famously: you campaign in poetry, you govern in prose.
 =NDA government (2014- )=

← Older revision		Revision as of 11:58, 16 July 2023
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	''Key indicators of the state of the Indian economy- exchange rate, change in crude prices, rate of inflation, GDP growth, fiscal deficit, investment and structural reforms, May 2014-Nov 2017''		''Key indicators of the state of the Indian economy- exchange rate, change in crude prices, rate of inflation, GDP growth, fiscal deficit, investment and structural reforms, May 2014-Nov 2017''
		+
		+	=Emergency (1975-77)=
		+	=='' Sangharshma Gujarat '': excerpts==
		+	[https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/modi-1975-recall-unusual-alliances-bbc-for-news-how-to-fight-govt-8699380/ Leena Misra, July 5, 2023: ''The Indian Express'']
		+
		+
		+	THE “brotherhood” between the R S S and Jamaat-e-Islami Hind cadres while sharing prison space during the Emergency; the Sangh’s insistence on “Gandhian” ways of protest, abjuring violence; the underground network that kept letters running from jail to activists abroad; the dependence on BBC for news; planning protests to coincide with Jawaharlal Nehru’s birth anniversary; and using an event attended by world leaders to embarrass the Central government.
		+
		+	These were some of the tactics used by underground political activists during the Emergency, as recounted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a book, which he spoke about during his recent Mann ki Baat address. Modi said the Emergency, imposed on June 25, 1975, was “a dark period in the history of India” and went on to mention that he too had written a book describing the period.
		+
		+	The book, Sangharshma Gujarat (Gujarat in Struggle), written in Gujarati, was released in 1978, a year after the Emergency was lifted. It was the first book that Modi, who was then an R S S pracharak in his late 20s, wrote. It was last reprinted in 2008 – a third reprint – when Modi was into his second elected term as the Gujarat Chief Minister.
		+
		+	Modi writes about spending time in hiding and gives details about the disguises and strategies they assumed to escape the authorities.
		+
		+	Gujarat was one of the nerve centres of the movement against the Emergency imposed by the Indira Gandhi government, as it had a non-Congress party in power.
		+
		+	The Janata Morcha regime in the state was led by Babubhai Jashbhai Patel, who had swept to power around the time the Emergency was imposed, and was supported by the Jan Sangh (the precursor to the BJP) from outside.
		+
		+	Modi writes about how the R S S hoped that Gujarat, which was already seething against the Centre following the student-led Navnirman Movement, would fuel the resistance against Indira Gandhi. “One priority was to keep Gujarat’s pratrikar (power to resist) alive, the other was to connect with all the underground rebellions across the country… Because there was a Morcha sarkar in Gujarat, there were no restrictions on rallies.”
		+
		+	“Thus, in the first week of Emergency, Gujarat used all the Gandhian weapons,” writes Modi, adding that the suggestion of socialist leader George Fernandes that armed resistance was the only way to defeat Indira was resisted by the Sangh.
		+
		+	According to Modi, “Shri George was of the clear view that Indiraji would never withdraw. It was his conviction that in such a situation, armed resistance was the only way out and he felt that the Sangh, without much delay, should take such a task on hand for the sake of the nation… But whatever the challenges, the Sangh was very clear. It did not wish for a revolution or change by means of violence.”
		+
		+	Modi says the R S S and Jan Sangh saw the anti-Emergency protests as the “Second War of Independence”, and talks about leaders from various ideologies coming together to fight against the “dictatorial leadership of Shrimati Gandhi”, with many of them visiting Gujarat.
		+
		+	Among the leaders he mentions are Jayaprakash Narayan, Subramanian Swamy (who is referred to as Dr Swamy in the book), Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s sister Maniben, Morarji Desai, L K Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, among others.
		+
		+	In 1976, Advani became a Rajya Sabha MP from Gujarat, while lodged in a jail in Bengaluru under MISA.
		+
		+	One of the outfits Modi mentions is the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH), which like the R S S was banned, with their members often lodged in jail together.
		+
		+	Modi writes: “Given the mix of people from various ideologies in jail, there would be heated debates, yet there was an amazing camaraderie. The Congress’s attempts to portray the Sangh karyakar as enemies of the Muslims were foiled by the Sangh karyarkars’ behaviour towards them in jail. There was an unbelievable brotherhood between the Sangh workers and their Muslim friends! Maintaining complete discipline when they read the namaz. In the month of Ramzan, the Sangh workers would wake up at 2 am and cook for their Muslim friends.”
		+
		+	Former Gujarat CM Shankersinh Vaghela learnt Urdu from JIH members, Modi writes. “The friends from Jamaat would participate in all programmes.”
		+
		+	The book also describes hoodwinking jail authorities to get information to the outside world. “Many solutions would have to be worked out, and it would be inappropriate to mention them at this moment, but our underground arrangement was so perfect that a letter written by Ratnakar Bharti, a spokesperson of BBC based in London, to his friend in jail, reached the latter through the underground route, and in just four days Shri Ratnakar got its reply in London,” writes Modi.
		+
		+	He adds that the Sangh members outside had such detailed information regarding the jail and their colleagues in it, that “if anybody would be caught with these papers, that person could be proved guilty of attempted jailbreak”. “The entire picture, the entry points, the sentries’ quarters, the police jawans in jail, the number of officers posted in jail, their daily routine, their ideology, all this information would be collected by some enthusiastic friends and sent outside… an arrangement was also made for our friends in jail to listen to BBC news,” Modi writes.
		+
		+	Modi goes on to write about selecting the birth anniversary of Nehru, November 14, as the day to launch a statewide agitation against his daughter Indira. The Janata Morcha government also recreated the Dandi Yatra, with a ‘Sangharsh Kooch’ from Ahmedabad to Dandi in August 15-30, 1976, that was led by Sardar Patel’s daughter Maniben.
		+
		+	“Those who joined this kooch were arrested under the DIR (Defence of India Rules), but the government knew the perils of arresting Maniben, thus she was spared,” the book says.
		+
		+	Modi recounts another instance when the protests against the Emergency were taken to the heart of the government. Sangh workers were given the responsibility of printing anti-Emergency and anti-Indira leaflets in English and distributing the same among delegates at a Commonwealth meeting in Delhi, and at a Congress Working Committee meeting in Chandigarh.
		+
		+	The task of distributing leaflets in Delhi fell on then Jan Sangh legislator Suresh Mehta, Modi writes. Mehta was sent as a representative of the Babubhai Patel government to the Commonwealth meeting. “With lots of courage and caution, he (Mehta) handed out these Lok Sangharsh Samiti leaflets exposing the government to the delegates, and before the government realised this, it was all over.”
		+
		+	Modi talks in the book of the Lok Sangharsh Samiti, founded by Jayaprakash Narayan, that spread its outreach as far as the US and UK, despite its members being under surveillance. The Sangh’s Laxmanrao Inamdar, popularly known as “Vakilsaheb”, took the lead and made Gujarat the nodal state for four centres – Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Mumbai and Delhi – for resisting Indira, Modi writes.
		+
		+	He identifies a “Shriman K (Mr K)” as the man given the task of flying to these centres every 10 days and meeting key people.
		+
		+	Modi says that the Sangh also got its message across via fronts like entertainment clubs, bhajan mandalis and welfare mandalis. “Those working for undercover activities in the public domain were given new names and we got used to such undercover meetings,” he writes, revealing that he himself went by the name ‘Prakash’.
		+
		+	Recounting his first meeting with Fernandes, Modi writes: “ …a yellow Fiat car pulled over outside the gate. A strongly built man wearing an un-ironed Lukhnavi kurta, a green cloth wrapped around his head, a chequered lungi and a long beard, giving the impression of a Muslim fakir and known as ‘baba’… George entered.”
		+
		+	The then editor of Sadhana, an R S S-backed periodical, and veteran journalist Vishnu Pandya, who was among those arrested during the period, tells The Indian Express that the Navnirman Movement and the resistance to the Emergency became “a taalim kendra (school of learning) for Narendra Modi”.
		+
		+	On whether such a resistance would be possible today, given the strict measures seen as anti-dissent, Pandya says, “Firstly, today the Opposition does not have the strength to sustain such a movement. If the fight is to save democracy, then it will sustain, but today the Opposition is coming together not for the love of democracy but for the love of power… They don’t want Modi, or the BJP or the R S S. JP (Jayaprakash Narayan) had made it very clear that the fight should not be centred around individuals… Today nothing will be as effective.”
		+
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	=Family=		=Family=

← Older revision		Revision as of 00:37, 25 May 2022
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	But massive military mobilisation is cumbersome and expensive and cannot be frequently repeated. Soon, Pakistan got back to its routine - waiting for the storm to blow over and international pressure to build on "nuclear armed" neighbours to resume talks. India's reluctance to use force after the 26/11 Mumbai attacks reinforced this belief in Pakistan's elite circles.   India was left oscillating between an ineffective suspension of a stuttering dialogue and threat of war. There did not seem any effective measures between these opposing points on a strategic scale.   The situation changed with the Modi government resorting to the 2016 surgical strikes which brought home to the military brass in Rawalpindi that infiltrating terrorists into Jammu & Kashmir will not be without costs. Pakistan denied the strikes occurred, but local reports, including an audio sting of the local police head, made it clear that many jihadis waiting on launch pads had died.   The 2019 Pulwama attack led to the Balakot strike and while Islamabad again denied the Jaish-e-Mohammed camp was hit, prolonged closure of its air space indicated that the possibility of IAF striking targets deep in Pakistan had induced a worrying sense of uncertainty.    Though Indian planners may not have specifically considered it, the Modi government's actions seem to draw a leaf from the "compellence doctrine" articulated by Nobel winning economist Thomas Schelling which outlines actions to proactively change status quo instead of the more passive deterrence.   Innovative diplomacy in West Asia with Saudia Arabia and the UAE drawn into closer ties are other, more conventional, aspects of Indian policy to contain Pakistan whose leaders lament the indifference of Muslim states to developments in J&K.   The decision to turn Article 370 into a dead letter is the Modi government's boldest and most significant step and one that Pakistan cannot ignore. It now finds itself in the unusual situation of scrambling to react - a change from the past when it brazened it out.     Pakistan has, apart from a major campaign on "human rights" in J&K, raised the nuclear scenario to gain global attention. This has been a familiar recipe too though the incongruity of raising the spectre of atomic weapons in response to alleged human rights violations might escape Pakistani PM Imran Khan.   While India has not changed its nuclear no first use posture, a stance that marks it as a responsible nation, defence minister Rajnath Singh's suggestion that NFU is not cast in stone gives Pakistan's military more to chew on. It is another inflexion point in a battle of nerves.   From hints that NFU is not sacrosanct to plans to use Indus waters (without breaching the water sharing treaty) are intended to make Pakistan bear the consequences of its rogue actions. It's a new experience.		But massive military mobilisation is cumbersome and expensive and cannot be frequently repeated. Soon, Pakistan got back to its routine - waiting for the storm to blow over and international pressure to build on "nuclear armed" neighbours to resume talks. India's reluctance to use force after the 26/11 Mumbai attacks reinforced this belief in Pakistan's elite circles.   India was left oscillating between an ineffective suspension of a stuttering dialogue and threat of war. There did not seem any effective measures between these opposing points on a strategic scale.   The situation changed with the Modi government resorting to the 2016 surgical strikes which brought home to the military brass in Rawalpindi that infiltrating terrorists into Jammu & Kashmir will not be without costs. Pakistan denied the strikes occurred, but local reports, including an audio sting of the local police head, made it clear that many jihadis waiting on launch pads had died.   The 2019 Pulwama attack led to the Balakot strike and while Islamabad again denied the Jaish-e-Mohammed camp was hit, prolonged closure of its air space indicated that the possibility of IAF striking targets deep in Pakistan had induced a worrying sense of uncertainty.    Though Indian planners may not have specifically considered it, the Modi government's actions seem to draw a leaf from the "compellence doctrine" articulated by Nobel winning economist Thomas Schelling which outlines actions to proactively change status quo instead of the more passive deterrence.   Innovative diplomacy in West Asia with Saudia Arabia and the UAE drawn into closer ties are other, more conventional, aspects of Indian policy to contain Pakistan whose leaders lament the indifference of Muslim states to developments in J&K.   The decision to turn Article 370 into a dead letter is the Modi government's boldest and most significant step and one that Pakistan cannot ignore. It now finds itself in the unusual situation of scrambling to react - a change from the past when it brazened it out.     Pakistan has, apart from a major campaign on "human rights" in J&K, raised the nuclear scenario to gain global attention. This has been a familiar recipe too though the incongruity of raising the spectre of atomic weapons in response to alleged human rights violations might escape Pakistani PM Imran Khan.   While India has not changed its nuclear no first use posture, a stance that marks it as a responsible nation, defence minister Rajnath Singh's suggestion that NFU is not cast in stone gives Pakistan's military more to chew on. It is another inflexion point in a battle of nerves.   From hints that NFU is not sacrosanct to plans to use Indus waters (without breaching the water sharing treaty) are intended to make Pakistan bear the consequences of its rogue actions. It's a new experience.

		+
		+	=Gifts given by Mr Modi=
		+	==2022==
		+	[https://epaper.timesgroup.com/article-share?article=05_05_2022_017_010_cap_TOI May 5, 2022: ''The Times of India'']
		+
		+
		+	New Delhi: On the sidelines of the 2nd India-Nordic Summit in Denmark’s capital city Copenhagen, Prime Minister Narendra Modi gifted decoration objects that depict India’s rich and diverse traditions.
		+
		+	Modi gifted a silver Meenakari bird figure from Varanasi to Crown Princess of Denmark, Mary. The most distinguishing element of Banaras Meenakari is the use of pink colour in various shades on various products. The art of silver enamelling practised in Varanasi is almost 500 years old. It has its roots in the Persian art of Meenakari.
		+
		+	He gifted a Rogan painting from Gujarat to Denmark’s Queen Margrethe. Rogan painting is an art of cloth printing practised in the Kutch district. In this craft, paint made from boiled oil and vegetable dyes is laid down on fabric using either a metal block (printing) or a stylus (painting).
		+
		+	He gifted a brass Tree of Life from Rajasthan to his Finland counterpart, Sanna Marin. It symbolises the development and growth of life. The branches of a tree grow and develop upwards and contain various life forms representing inclusiveness.
		+
		+	PM Modi presented a Dokra boat from Chhattisgarh to the Crown Prince of Denmark. Dhokra (also spelt Dokra) is a non–ferrous metal casting that uses the lost-wax casting technique. This sort of metal casting has been used in India for over 4,000 years.
		+
		+	The PM of Sweden was presented with a Pashmina stole in a papier mache box. A symbol of luxury and elegance, Kashmiri pashmina stoles have been treasured for their rare material, exquisite craftsmanship and reminiscent designs since time immemorial.  Modi gifted a wall hanging with Kutch embroidery to his counterpart from Denmark.
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		+	He gifted Dhaal with Koftgiri art from Rajasthan to PM of Norway Jonas Gahr Støre. Tarkashi (Koftgiri) on metal is a traditional art of Rajasthan and is used as a means of decorating arms and armour.
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