Mahmudabad/ Mahmoodabad, princely state - Revision history

Jyoti: /* Property dispute */

2023-11-16T18:41:48Z

‎Property dispute

Jyoti at 07:22, 29 December 2020

2020-12-29T07:22:27Z

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2020-12-28T21:53:35Z

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Jyoti: /* A brief history */

2018-11-14T00:19:40Z

‎A brief history

Jyoti at 00:19, 14 November 2018

2018-11-14T00:19:14Z

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Jyoti at 00:11, 14 November 2018

2018-11-14T00:11:46Z

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Pdewan: /* Raja Sahib Mahmoodabad */

2014-01-07T19:42:16Z

‎Raja Sahib Mahmoodabad

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[[Category: India |M]]
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=Raja Sahib Mahmoodabad=

FROM THE Scrapbook

This letter, posted in 1874, from Karachi to Bombay, interestingly carries the postmark on the front with `KURRACHEE’ written on it and the delivery postmark on the back reads Karachi! This 132-year-old envelope is from the collection of Mohammed Siddick Faruk. If you have anything interesting and would like to share it with our readers, send it to us by post or at magazine@dawn.com.

April 16, 2006

REVIEWS: Another champion of the cause

Reviewed by Akhtar Payami

This is perhaps the most authentic and extensively documented work on the life and services of a true patriot. In pre-partition days, Raja Mahmoodabad was a household name in every Muslim family of India. He was the ideal of Muslim men and women. Here was a real prince who owned a state and had plenty of money to lead a life of comfort and luxury. But, like Siddhartha, he said goodbye to all the good things of life that money could offer. Willingly and by choice, he joined a struggle which created a homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent but made him a pauper.

Raja Muhammad Amir Ahmad Khan never repented what he did for the success of the independence movement. But when he died in Britain in October, 1973 to be buried in Iran, he was a completely disillusioned man. “The Muslim League of the Quaid-i-Azam is dead and the country in whose creation the great leader had made so much investment does not exist,” the disenchanted Raja used to say in his despair and helplessness.

Raja Mahmoodabad may not be Jinnah‘s conscience keeper. But he certainly was a trusted lieutenant of the leader. Coming from a deeply religious family, in the beginning, he had his own concept of a welfare state which was different from what Jinnah visualised. Celebrated writer Curate Aim Hider has quoted an interesting dialogue between Jinnah and the Raja. The Raja had told Jinnah that in his view Pakistan would be governed by religious scholars as Islam was the moving spirit behind the independence movement. Jinnah’s reply was astounding and precise. He said, “What are you talking about Raja Sahib? Pakistan would be a modern, democratic state run on the universally recognised principles of democracy, justice and fairplay.”

Raja Mahmoodabad may not be Jinnah‘s conscience keeper. But he certainly was a trusted lieutenant of the leader

Khwaja Razi Haider, author of the book on Raja Mahmoodabad, is a senior research fellow and deputy director of the Quaid-i-Azam Academy. In his 25-year association with the academy, he has written several books on the main actors of the independence movement. A comprehensive book on Raja Sahib was indeed needed to fill in the gaps in Pakistan’s history. Dr Zawwar Husain Zaidi, chairman of the Quaid-i-Azam Academy, has commended Haider’s devotion and dedication in writing the book.

The writer gives a graphic account of the political developments in united India since the downfall of the Mughal empire. In fact, foreign influence made its appearance first in the 16th century with the arrival of the first English priest, Thomas Stephens, on the shore of Goa in 1579. It was in December 1600 that the British Queen issued an imperial proclamation allowing the East India Company to formally start trading in India.

The book gives a detailed description of the foundation of the Mahmoodabad state in 1569 by Nawab Mahmood Khan. Mahmoodabad’s history speaks of the political sagacity of its rulers since the early days of the inception of the kingdom. One thing is very clear. Those who remained at the helm of affairs in the state never played the role of hirelings of the British government. Maharaja Muhammad Ali Muhammad Khan, the father of Raja Muhammad Amir Ahmad Khan, played a key role in the politics of the subcontinent during a crucial period of history. The author discusses at length the factors that influenced the Muslim leaders of the time in their thinking about the participation of the minorities in national politics. In those days the Indian National Congres dominated the political scene. Many eminent Muslim leaders including Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Raja Mahmoodabad, who originally shared the views of the Congres and were ardent champions of Hindu Muslim unity, were now convinced that the Muslim cause could only be served by an exclusive organisation of the Muslims of India. This was a watershed in the political history of the country.

Haider has indeed rendered a great service to the cause of history and undiluted truth by giving an objective view of the life of Raja Sahib. Dr Zawwar Husain Zaidi, in the preface of the book, has referred to various incidents which bring into focus Raja Sahib’s idealism and the strength of his character. At a time when Jinnah’s ideals were completely forgotten by his successors, Raja Sahib continued to cling to the fast disappearing links. Neither did he hanker for power, nor did he try to grab the riches strewn all over the land. But his disgust at the unfortunate developments was so overpowering that he decided to leave the countrty for good.

It is perhaps the most opportune time for the Pakistani nation to recall the selfless devotion of Raja Sahib. As the country has deviated from the path of democracy chosen by Jinnah and as leaders have evolved their own interpretation of history, Raja Mahmoodabad’s life should serve to guide us through our perilously uncertain journey.

Raja Sahib Mahmoodabad: Hayat-o-Khidmaat
By Khwaja Razi Haider
Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 297
M.A. Jinnah Road, Karachi
ISBN 969-413-072-7
376pp. Rs300

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 The property, which is worth Rs 421 crore, will now be confiscated by the state government. According to the verdict, 388.301 hectares of land in 179 villages of Sitapur, 10.659 hectares in 31 villages of Lakhimpur Kheri and 23.045 hectares in 21 villages of Barabanki would be confiscated.
 Talking to TOI, ADM Amar Pal Singh said, “The plaintiff has every right to appeal against the judgement for a review. The market value of the declared land is close to Rs 421 crore. Out of this, the land in Sitapur is worth Rs 388 crore, the one in Lakhimpur Kheri of Rs 11 crore and in Barabanki worth about Rs 23 crore.” TNN
 =See also=

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 “However, I will always be able to say that I did get justice in this country,” he concludes. The semblance of it, in the form of the 2005 Supreme Court judgement is perhaps the only victory he can savour from the fight that has taken over his entire life.
 =See also=
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 [[Raja Sahib Mahmoodabad/ Mahmudabad]]

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 =A brief history=
-[https://www.livemint.com/Politics/nhjt6MOGlMa6rA5PlxM29K/A-Rajas-43year-battle-to-reclaim-ancestral-property.html  Nikita Doval, A raja’s 43-year battle to reclaim ancestral property, November 10, 2018: ''Livemint'']
+[https://www.livemint.com/Politics/nhjt6MOGlMa6rA5PlxM29K/A-Rajas-43year-battle-to-reclaim-ancestral-property.html  Nikita Doval, A raja’s 43-year battle to reclaim ancestral property, July 19, 2017: ''Livemint'']
 ''The Raja of Mahmudabad has been fighting to claim his inheritance since 1974, despite being branded ‘enemy’ under the Enemy Property Act''

← Older revision		Revision as of 00:11, 14 November 2018
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	ISBN 969-413-072-7		ISBN 969-413-072-7
	376pp. Rs300		376pp. Rs300
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		+	=See also=
		+	[[Enemy Properties in India]]
		+
		+	[[Raja Sahib Mahmoodabad/ Mahmudabad]]

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:42, 7 January 2014
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	FROM THE Scrapbook		FROM THE Scrapbook
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		+	[http://dawn.com/ Dawn]